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RONALD REAGAN

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Bianca
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« on: January 20, 2008, 09:33:25 pm »









                                                    R O N A L D   R E A G A N




FROM:

Obama's Dubious Praise for Reagan


by Robert Parry |
January 20, 2008
                   
Sen. Barack Obama prides himself in transcending the old ideological chasms that have divided the American electorate for decades, so much so that he recently cited Republican icon Ronald Reagan as a leader who “changed the trajectory of America.”

Though Obama’s chief point was that Reagan in 1980 “put us on a fundamentally different path” – which may be historically undeniable – the Democratic presidential candidate went further, justifying Reagan's course correction because of “all the excesses of the 1960s and 1970s, and government had grown and grown, but there wasn’t much sense of accountability.”

While Obama later clarified his point to say he didn't mean to endorse Reagan's conservative policies, the Illinois senator seemed to suggest that Reagan's 1980 election administered a needed dose of accountability to the U.S. government. In reality, however, accountability wasn’t part of Reagan’s medicine for America. Indeed, one could say the opposite.

On the domestic side, Reagan oversaw the dismantling of regulatory structures that restrained the excesses of Wall Street investment banks, the energy industry and other economic powerhouses. Many of today’s problems – from the mortgage meltdown to the nation’s wasteful energy policies – can be traced to Reagan’s contempt for that type of accountability.

Meanwhile, regarding Reagan’s approach to the world, the documentary record reveals a foreign policy that was one of the most brutal, most corrupt and least accountable in American history.

Reagan’s clandestine dealings with Iran and Iraq remain shrouded in secrecy and deception to this day. Also suppressed has been the full story of how Reagan tolerated drug traffickers who operated under the cover of his favorite covert operations (Nicaragua and Afghanistan). [For details, see Robert Parry’s Lost History and Secrecy & Privilege.]

Even more troubling, Reagan aided and abetted mass slaughters in Central America, including acts of genocide in Guatemala, but neither he nor any of his senior advisers faced any meaningful accountability for their actions. [For details, see below.]

Obama’s negative comparison of former President Bill Clinton to Reagan also could be viewed as a slap at the husband of his principal rival.
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Bianca
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« Reply #1 on: January 20, 2008, 09:49:57 pm »









Hailing Reagan

In the interview with the Reno Gazette-Journal on Jan. 14, Obama said, “I think Ronald Reagan changed the trajectory of America in a way that Richard Nixon did not and in a way that Bill Clinton did not. He put us on a fundamentally different path because the country was ready for it.

“I think they felt like with all the excesses of the 1960s and 1970s and government had grown and grown but there wasn't much sense of accountability in terms of how it was operating. I think people, he just tapped into what people were already feeling, which was we want clarity, we want optimism, we want a return to that sense of dynamism and entrepreneurship that had been missing.”

But Reagan’s election in November 1980 also was welcomed in other quarters. His victory set off celebrations in the well-to-do communities of Central America. After four years of Jimmy Carter's human rights nagging, the region's anticommunist hard-liners were thrilled that they had someone in the White House who understood their problems.

The oligarchs and the generals had good reason for optimism. For years, Reagan had been a staunch defender of right-wing regimes engaged in bloody counterinsurgency campaigns against leftist enemies.

In the late 1970s, when Carter's human rights coordinator, Pat Derian, criticized the Argentine military for its "dirty war" -- tens of thousands of "disappearances," tortures and murders -- then-political commentator Reagan joshed that she should "walk a mile in the moccasins” of the Argentine generals before criticizing them. [Martin Edwin Andersen's Dossier Secreto.]

Despite his aw shucks style, Reagan found virtually every anticommunist action justified, no matter how brutal.

From his eight years in the White House, there is no historical indication that he was troubled by the bloodbath and even genocide that occurred in Central America during his presidency, while he was shipping hundreds of millions of dollars in military aid to the implicated forces.

The death toll was staggering -- an estimated 70,000 or more political killings in El Salvador, possibly 20,000 slain from the contra war in Nicaragua, about 200 political "disappearances" in Honduras and some 100,000 people eliminated during a resurgence of political violence in Guatemala.

The one consistent element in these slaughters was the overarching Cold War rationalization, emanating from Ronald Reagan's White House.
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« Reply #2 on: January 20, 2008, 09:51:11 pm »








War Crimes

Yet, even as the world community has sought to punish war crimes in the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, no substantive discussion has occurred in the United States about facing up to Reagan’s horrendous record of the 1980s.

Rather than a debate about Reagan as a war criminal, the former President, who died in 2004, has been showered with honors as a conservative icon. His name was attached to Washington National Airport as well as to scores of other government buildings around the country.

As part of this rosy view of the Reagan years, the U.S. news media rarely acknowledges the barbarities of the 1980s in Central America. When the topic does come up, it is usually a one-day story about how these little countries bravely are facing up to their violent pasts.

At times, the CIA is mentioned abstractly as a bad supporting actor in the violent dramas. But never does the press corps lay much blame on individual American officials – and especially not Ronald Reagan.

Though Reagan portrayed the bloody conflicts as a necessary front in the Cold War, the Central American violence was always more about entrenched ruling elites determined to retain their privileges against impoverished peasants, including descendants of the region’s Maya Indians, seeking social, political and economic reforms.

One of the most notorious acts of brutality occurred in December 1981 in and around the Salvadoran town of El Mozote. The government’s Atlacatl Battalion – freshly trained and newly armed thanks to Reagan’s supportive policies – systematically slaughtered hundreds of men, women and children.

When the atrocity was revealed by reporters at the New York Times and the Washington Post, the Reagan administration showed off its new strategy of “perception management,” denying the facts and challenging the integrity of the journalists.

Because of that P.R. offensive, the reality about the El Mozote massacre remained in doubt for almost a decade until the war ended and a United Nations forensic team dug up hundreds of skeletons, including many little ones of children.
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« Reply #3 on: January 20, 2008, 09:54:41 pm »








Skulls as Candle Holders


In January 2007, the Washington Post disclosed another grisly detail. Several months after the massacre, the Salvadoran army returned to the scene and collected skulls of some El Mozote children as novelty items, the Post reported.

“They worked well as candle holders,” recalled one of the soldiers, Jose Wilfredo Salgado, “and better as good luck charms.”

Now, a quarter century later, describing his role piling the tiny skulls into sacks as souvenirs, Salgado acknowledged that he had “lost his love of humanity.”

The Post reported that “witnessing the aftermath of what his colleagues did in El Mozote and reflecting on those skulls changed his mind about how the war was being fought.” Salgada said his mentor, Col. Domingo Monterrosa, who later died in a helicopter crash, had ordered an act of “genocide” in El Mozote.

“If Monterossa had lived,” the Post reported, “Salgada said, he should have been prosecuted for ‘war crimes like a Hitler.’” [Washington Post, Jan. 29, 2007]

But what about the American officials who were the enablers and the protectors of Central America’s mass murderers?

While Monterrosa may have ordered massacres in El Mozote and other towns in El Salvador, President Reagan and other senior U.S. officials collaborated in and covered up those crimes, along with acts of genocide in Guatemala and terrorism in Nicaragua.

Yet, the U.S. officials who supplied the guns, helicopters, advanced technology and political cover have never been called to account. Some, like former State Department official Elliott Abrams, have moved on to oversee the bloody chaos in Iraq.

Criticism also should fall on Bill Clinton, who was the first President elected after the end of the Cold War but rejected suggestions that he authorize an American truth commission to investigate U.S. complicity in the era’s crimes, as was done in Argentina, South Africa and other countries.

Only late in his eight-year presidency did Clinton agree to declassify documents for use by a Guatemalan truth commission examining three decades of political violence that had torn that Central American country apart and claimed some 200,000 lives.

The worst of the Guatemalan violence – like the bloodletting in El Salvador and Nicaragua – came after the election of Reagan in November 1980.
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« Reply #4 on: January 20, 2008, 09:55:42 pm »








The Guatemalan Genocide

Once in office, Reagan chipped away at an arms embargo imposed on Guatemala by Carter who was offended by its ghastly human rights record. A fundamental part of Reagan’s strategy was to silence criticism of the atrocities whether the accusations were coming from the news media, human rights groups or the U.S. intelligence community.

In April 1981, for instance, a secret CIA cable described a Guatemalan army massacre of peasants at Cocob, near Nebaj in the Ixil Indian territory. On April 17, 1981, government troops had attacked the area, which was believed to support leftist guerrillas, the cable said.

According to a CIA source, "the social population appeared to fully support the guerrillas" and "the soldiers were forced to fire at anything that moved." The CIA cable added that "the Guatemalan authorities admitted that 'many civilians' were killed in Cocob, many of whom undoubtedly were non-combatants."

While keeping the CIA account secret, Reagan permitted Guatemala's army to buy $3.2 million in military trucks and jeeps in June 1981. Confident of Reagan’s sympathies, the Guatemalan government continued its political repression without apology.

According to a State Department cable on Oct. 5, 1981, Guatemalan leaders met with Reagan's roving ambassador, retired Gen. Vernon Walters, and left no doubt about their plans. Guatemala's military dictator, Gen. Fernando Romeo Lucas Garcia, "made clear that his government will continue as before – that the repression will continue," the cable said.

Human rights groups saw the same picture. The Inter-American Human Rights Commission released a report on Oct. 15, 1981, blaming the Guatemalan government for "thousands of illegal executions."

But the Reagan administration sought to confuse the American public. A State Department "white paper" in December 1981 blamed the violence on leftist "extremist groups" and their "terrorist methods," inspired and supported by Cuba’s Fidel Castro.

Yet, even as these rationalizations were sold to the American people, U.S. intelligence agencies in Guatemala continued to learn about government-sponsored massacres. One CIA report in February 1982 described an army sweep through the so-called Ixil Triangle in central El Quiche province, an area where descendants of the ancient Maya lived.

"The commanding officers of the units involved have been instructed to destroy all towns and villages which are cooperating with the Guerrilla Army of the Poor [known as the EGP] and eliminate all sources of resistance," the report said. "Since the operation began, several villages have been burned to the ground, and a large number of guerrillas and collaborators have been killed."

The CIA report explained the army's modus operandi: "When an army patrol meets resistance and takes fire from a town or village, it is assumed that the entire town is hostile and it is subsequently destroyed. … The well-documented belief by the army that the entire Ixil Indian population is pro-EGP has created a situation in which the army can be expected to give no quarter to combatants and non-combatants alike."
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« Reply #5 on: January 20, 2008, 09:57:47 pm »








Rios Montt Coup

In March 1982, the violence continued to ratchet up when Gen. Efrain Rios Montt seized power in a coup d’etat. An avowed fundamentalist Christian, he was hailed by Reagan as "a man of great personal integrity."

By July 1982, Rios Montt had begun a new scorched-earth campaign. In October, he also gave secret carte blanche to the feared “Archivos” intelligence unit to expand “death squad” operations.

The U.S. embassy was soon hearing more accounts of the army conducting Indian massacres. But the political officers knew that such grim news was not welcome back in Washington and to report it would only damage their careers.

So, the embassy cables increasingly began to spin the evidence in ways that would best serve Reagan's hard-line foreign policy. On Oct. 22, 1982, the embassy sought to explain away the mounting evidence of genocide by arguing that the Rios Montt government was the victim of a communist-inspired "disinformation campaign."

Reagan picked up on that theme. During a swing through Latin America, he discounted the growing evidence that hundreds of Mayan villages were being eradicated.

On Dec. 4, 1982, after meeting with Rios Montt, Reagan hailed the general as "totally dedicated to democracy" and declared that the Rios Montt government was "getting a bum rap."

On Jan. 7, 1983, Reagan lifted the ban on military aid to Guatemala and authorized the sale of $6 million in military hardware. Approval covered spare parts for UH-1H helicopters and A-37 aircraft used in counterinsurgency operations.

In February 1983, a secret CIA cable noted a rise in "suspect right-wing violence" with kidnappings of students and teachers. Bodies of victims were appearing in ditches and gullies. CIA sources traced these political murders to Rios Montt's order to the "Archivos" in October 1982 to "apprehend, hold, interrogate and dispose of suspected guerrillas as they saw fit."
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« Reply #6 on: January 20, 2008, 09:59:28 pm »








Sugarcoated Facts

Despite these grisly realities on the ground, the annual State Department human rights survey sugarcoated the facts for the American public and praised the supposedly improved human rights situation in Guatemala. "The overall conduct of the armed forces had improved by late in the year" 1982, the report stated.

A different picture – far closer to the secret government reports – was coming from independent human rights investigators. On March 17, 1983, Americas Watch representatives condemned the Guatemalan army for human rights atrocities against the Indian population.

New York attorney Stephen L. Kass said these findings included proof that the government carried out "virtually indiscriminate murder of men, women and children of any farm regarded by the army as possibly supportive of guerrilla insurgents."

Rural women suspected of guerrilla sympathies were raped before execution, Kass said. Children were "thrown into burning homes. They are thrown in the air and speared with bayonets. We heard many, many stories of children being picked up by the ankles and swung against poles so their heads are destroyed." [AP, March 17, 1983]

Publicly, however, senior Reagan officials continued to put on a happy face.

On June 12, 1983, special envoy Richard B. Stone praised "positive changes" in Rios Montt's government. But, in reality, Rios Montt’s vengeful Christian fundamentalism was hurtling out of control, even by Guatemalan standards. In August 1983, Gen. Oscar Mejia Victores seized power in another coup.

Despite the power shift, Guatemalan security forces continued the killings.

Guatemala, of course, was not the only Central American country where Reagan and his administration supported brutal military operations and then sought to cover up the bloody facts. Reagan's falsification of the historical record became a hallmark of the conflicts in El Salvador and Nicaragua, too.

In one case, Reagan personally lashed out at a human rights investigator named Reed Brody, a New York lawyer who had collected affidavits from more than 100 witnesses to atrocities carried out by the U.S.-supported contras in Nicaragua.

Angered by the revelations about his contra "freedom-fighters," Reagan denounced Brody in a speech on April 15, 1985, calling him "one of dictator [Daniel] Ortega's supporters, a sympathizer who has openly embraced Sandinismo."

Privately, Reagan had a far more accurate understanding of the contras. At one point, Reagan turned to CIA official Duane Clarridge and demanded that the contras be used to destroy some Soviet-supplied helicopters that had arrived in Nicaragua.

In his memoir, A Spy for All Seasons, Clarridge recalled that "President Reagan pulled me aside and asked, 'Dewey, can't you get those vandals of yours to do this job.'" Clarridge also acknowledged that "the people then in power in El Salvador were an unsavory collection of rightist cutthroats with an abominable record on human rights.”
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« Reply #7 on: January 20, 2008, 10:00:44 pm »








Political Taboo

The election of Bill Clinton – as the first President to take office after the end of the Cold War – offered a unique opportunity to expose the real history of the era and hold American war criminals to account. But Clinton and his advisers saw such investigations as a distraction and chose instead to focus on economic and social legislation.

After 1994, with the Republican congressional landslide, the opportunity was lost. Instead, the Republicans transformed Reagan into an icon, naming scores of buildings and other facilities after him, including National Airport.

An honest accounting of what really happened under Reagan's presidency became a political taboo in the United States. Even when Clinton finally released incriminating U.S. documents to a Guatemalan truth commission, the evidence never got the attention that it deserved.

On Feb. 25, 1999, Guatemala’s Historical Clarification Commission issued a report on the human rights crimes that Reagan and his administration had aided, abetted – and concealed. The independent human rights body estimated that some 200,000 Guatemalans had died, with the most savage bloodletting occurring in the 1980s.

The report documented that in the 1980s, the army committed 626 massacres against Mayan villages. "The massacres that eliminated entire Mayan villages … are neither perfidious allegations nor figments of the imagination, but an authentic chapter in Guatemala's history," the commission concluded.
The army "completely exterminated Mayan communities, destroyed their livestock and crops," the report said. In the northern highlands, the report termed the slaughter a "genocide."

Besides carrying out murder and "disappearances," the army routinely engaged in torture and ****. "The **** of women, during torture or before being murdered, was a common practice" by the military and paramilitary forces, the report found.

The report added that the "government of the United States, through various agencies including the CIA, provided direct and indirect support for some [of these] state operations." The report concluded that the U.S. government also gave money and training to Guatemalan military units that committed "acts of genocide" against the Mayas.

"Believing that the ends justified everything, the military and the state security forces blindly pursued the anticommunist struggle, without respect for any legal principles or the most elemental ethical and religious values, and in this way, completely lost any semblance of human morals," said the commission chairman, Christian Tomuschat, a German jurist.
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« Reply #8 on: January 20, 2008, 10:03:12 pm »








An Apology

During a visit to Central America, on March 10, 1999, President Clinton apologized for the past U.S. support of right-wing regimes in Guatemala.

"For the United States, it is important that I state clearly that support for military forces and intelligence units which engaged in violence and widespread repression was wrong, and the United States must not repeat that mistake," Clinton said.

But the story of the Reagan-backed genocide of the Mayan Indians was quickly forgotten, as Republicans and the Washington press corps wrapped Reagan's legacy in a fuzzy blanket of heroic mythology.

Now, as Sen. Obama seeks to portray himself as a new kind of post-partisan politician, he seems to be buying into those old comfortable happy thoughts about Ronald Reagan. To the delight of right-wingers like Patrick Buchanan, Obama is paying deference to their hero.

While that might help Obama politically with some independents and Republicans, it doesn’t exactly define him as a new kind of politician. For a generation now, Democrats – eager to give themselves some cover on the right – have slipped praise for Reagan into their speeches.

If Obama really wanted to be a different kind of politician, he might instead stand for the truth, even when it is politically difficult and unpopular. He might acknowledge that while Reagan did put the United States on a “fundamentally different path,” it was not a path that led to either accountability or to justice.
_______



About author :


Robert Parry


broke many of the Iran-Contra stories in the 1980s for the Associated Press and Newsweek.

His latest book, Secrecy & Privilege: Rise of the Bush Dynasty from Watergate to Iraq, can be ordered at secrecyandprivilege.com. It's also available at Amazon.com, as is his 1999 book,


Lost History: Contras, ****, the Press & 'Project Truth.'



Robert Parry's web site is Consortium News
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Bianca
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« Reply #9 on: January 21, 2008, 10:09:44 am »






                   Mourning in America: The Reagan Years Were Enough to Make You Cry 





 Ronald Reagan did not become president on a platform of optimism or hope. In 1980, he sent GeorgeH.W. Bush
to arrange a deal with the Iranians to keep the hostages until after the November elections. We knew about this
at the time, because the president of Iran told the world about it shortly after he went into exile. This served to increase Americans' sense of despair. Recall how bad we felt when George W. Bush stole the 2000 election? That
is how we felt when Reagan stole the 1980 election. Our highest national office had been hijacked, and there was nothing we could do about it. The only news network that would report the story was PBS.

Ronald Reagan had the help of the corporate media. ABC’s Nightline, the progenitor of the 24 hour news network, ran the headline “America held hostage” night after night, while host Ted Koppel (who would later remark, ironically, that “ABC is a pimple on the elephant’s behind”) reminded America that its saintly president Jimmy Carter was a wimp when it came to military action of the John Wayne-scorched earth variety. If Jimmy Carter could not keep a handful of embassy employees safe, how could he protect us from the nuclear bombs that the Soviet Union was sending our way? Seeing the news media become a paid political advocate for one party shattered more of our illusions. That lead to more despair.

Ronald Reagan ran an old fashioned Republican all fear all the time campaign. And administration. In the early 1980s, we literally lived in terror that each day would be our last. Movies featured end of the world scenarios. We watched Jane Alexander watch her world die around her. None of us expected to make it to the year 2000. The crazies who had stolen control of our government were bound and determined to build an arsenal capable of making Armageddon a reality. Every day could be our last. As the android Roy said in Ridley Scott’s futuristic film Blade Runner “Quite an experience to live in fear, isn't it? That's what it is to be a slave.”

Drugs, sex and rock &roll became a way to escape from the constant anxiety and the terror that there was no tomorrow---until the AIDS epidemic struck. Too bad that the Reagan administration did nothing in the early days of the AIDS crisis when the spread of the disease might have been checked.

http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?file=/chronic...





A significant source of Reagan's support came from the newly identified religious right and the Moral Majority, a political-action group founded by the Rev. Jerry Falwell. AIDS became the tool, and gay men the target, for the politics of fear, hate and discrimination. Falwell said "AIDS is the wrath of God upon homosexuals." Reagan's communications director Pat Buchanan argued that AIDS is "nature's revenge on gay men."


And so, Reagan waited years, until well into his second term to address the crisis. This would be a fitting place to mourn for those who died unnecessarily of HIV infection, because Ronald Reagan decided that it was politically expedient to let gay men suffer God’s wrath. And while we are at it, we can weep for the way that the progress in gay rights made in the 1970s was rolled back, because people feared this new disease which they did not understand and about which the federal government did nothing to reassure them. And cry for the nation’s blood supply which was tainted, leading to the deaths of hemophiliacs and surgical patients and premature infants and then intravenous drug users and now the current epidemic among women---especially Black, Hispanic and Native American women. We owe all of this to Ronald Reagan, because he decided that the best policy was to let the virus go unchecked so that it could infect as many gay men as possible.

While we are mourning, do not forget the lives that were ruined by crack ****, the new, more addicting form of the old favorite. Gary Webb attempted to tell the world that the Reagan-Bush administration was protecting **** importers whom it called allies in the war on communism in Central America.

http://www.pbs.org/newshour/forum/october96/crack_contr...





The newly partisan news media squashed this story. The LAPD came close to busting these pushers, who had found a way to create a steady clientele with the creation of crack. However, the same illegal methods that made them lose the OJ Simpson case cost them their case against the CIA’s operatives.

Ironically, one of the most devastating effects of the crack **** epidemic was the way that the Reagan administration used it as the foundation of their War on Drugs aka their War on Black Folks . Here is an interesting document in which the author speculates that the crack baby epidemic was exaggerated to increase the perceived criminality of crack **** users, in order to justify two tiered sentencing and the changes in policy which made punishment rather than treatment the standard of care for users.

http://www.utmb.edu/addiction/Birth%20of%20the%20Crack%...





The author points out that the War on Drugs has caused a White majority prison population to shift to a minority dominant prison population ( 49% Black, 27% Latino) and has increased the size of the U.S. prison population by ten times. Black account for 74% of all prison sentences for possession. Crack **** carries stiffer sentences than other drug charges, and 88% of those in jail for crack **** offenses are Black. (It should be noted that wealth disparity increases the health risk of the impoverished group. Health effects include increased anxiety, depression, violence including family violence, drug and alcohol use and depression. So, Reagan economic policies encouraged drug use among the people whom they were targeting for political oppression.)


This period during the Reagan and Bush presidencies presented not only a “retreat from racial justice” but also a period where the nation’s anti-black discourse was actually refocused into a nebulous anti-crime rhetoric. Such rhetoric was reinforced by deindustrialization and its impact on Blacks, a rising income inequality between the upper and working classes, a prevailing discourse of racialized welfare stereotypes, as well as dramatized media responses to the burgeoning trend of crack use. The result was that the image of the criminal was further associated with the inner city, street crime of poor, i.e. Black areas.


The conservatives who backed Reagan-Bush no doubt consider the War on Black Folks one of their greatest victories. In the 1970s, who could have conceived that in 1988, the photograph of an African-American male would frighten voters into selecting the Republican candidate? “Not in this country!” people would have said. “We have gotten over that kind of racism!”

Can we have a moment of silence for the Black civil rights movement, that so many worked so long and so hard for and which was set back deliberately by the combined weight of the federal government, including the U.S. Justice Department, Congress, Court system, news and entertainment media in the 1980s? They did not kill it, because you can never kill the human spirit, but Reagan did irreparable harm to individual men and women who should have benefited from the sacrifices of their parents.






Reagan was no friend of the women’s movement, either.

http://www.womensenews.org/article.cfm/dyn/aid/1866

As this author points out, in addition to burying the ERA, discouraging action on sexual discrimination claims and drying up family planning money, Reagan attacked the working mother---which meant he attacked the nation’s children.


Reagan also publicly insulted single mothers raising children with the help of federal assistance by calling them "welfare queens," thus setting the stage for the dramatic retrenchment of aid to families headed by women. At the same time, Reagan refused to raise the minimum wage and instilled in the national psyche a belief that higher wages for the lowest level workers cost jobs.

snip

Then, as now, the largest group of minimum wage workers was adult women. Translation: more women and their children in poverty, more women holding two low-paying jobs to make ends meet and less food on the table, period. Well, all except catsup, which Reagan tried to have declared a vegetable as he cut school lunch programs.


Even textbook fascist countries praise women for struggling to feed their children. A nation that can openly hate its mothers, forcing them and their children to live in poverty through some kind of twisted puritanical belief that this is God’s rightful punishment is inhumane in the extreme.

This is not change. This is what Ann Coulter talks about when she says that she wants Jewish people to be “perfected”.

Right now, we should be crying for all those whom the Religious Right tried to “perfect” out of existence in the 1980s during the Reagan Administration, while Nancy Reagan ran her pretty little Pepsi Generation Morning in America campaign in 1984, like a Busby Berkley musical designed to make people forget about what was going on behind the cardboard cutout backdrop. It was Springtime for Hitler and Germany , except without the laughter.

When today’s Democrats praise the Reagan administration, they ignore the memories of the men, women and children who paid the price for being too poor or the wrong color or the wrong faith or gay. This kind of selective history is wrong. It forgets the working class and makes heroes of the tyrants, calling them “leaders” and dubbing their lies “visionary messages”.
Morning in America was a lie. A lie worthy of George Orwell’s 1984 . Anyone who seeks to perpetuate that lie in order to court voters is doing the people of this country a great disservice.

Here is some advice that even the Religious Right should be able to understand.


"When I was a child I spoke as a child I understood as a child I thought as a child; but when I became a man I put away childish things." I Cor. xiii. 11.


Democratic candidates, you do America no favors in letting them cling to their illusions. You may win a few votes with a song and dance promising happiness over the rainbow, but that voter will end up dissatisfied and anxious to try a new product next time, if he or she does not grow up (politically speaking) to the reality of the struggle by a small, wealth owning class to keep the rest of us poor and powerless. Real Morning in America will come when people wake up, not when they are lulled to sleep with more of the same old pretty campaign jingles.



PS The next time the Democrats are debating and the moderators ask a question about high death rates of young Black men from gun violence, rather than pandering to the NRA vote, try talking about the effect that income disparity has on death from homicide.

A few years ago a study found that a young African-American man in Harlem had a lower life expectancy than a young man in Bangladesh who was equally poor. The difference between the two? In Harlem, wealth disparity---knowing that you are poor and kept that way through oppression in a land of plenty---causes stress, anxiety, despair, anger, depression, suicidal tendencies and can lead to aggressive acts.

If the same young man felt that he was valued by his society, he might not be so quick to put his future at risk.


http://www.democraticunderground.com/discuss/duboard.php?az=view_all&address=389x2720116
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