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Debate in the House on the Impeachment Resolution

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Aphrodite
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« on: February 24, 2010, 07:11:53 am »

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Aphrodite
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« Reply #1 on: February 24, 2010, 07:12:19 am »

Debate in the House on the Impeachment Resolution The Resolution Adopted by a Vote of 126 to 47 The President to be Arraigned for Trial Immediately Gen. Thomas Makes Another Unsuccessful Attempt to Oust Secretary Stanton Message of the President Defending His Action in Removing Mr. Stanton
Special Dispatches to the New York Times
Washington, Monday, Feb. 24.

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The first act in the great civil drama of the nineteenth century is concluded. Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, stands impeached of "high crimes and misdemeanors." It is of no use to argue whether his acts were right or wrong, whether the law he violated is constitutional or otherwise, or whether it is good or bad policy to proceed to this extreme. The House of Representatives, with a full realization of all the possible consequences, has solemnly decided that he shall be held to account in the manner prescribed by the Constitution for his alleged misdemeanors, and, be the result what it may, the issue is made. It must be met without delay, and the first step is already complete.

That the feeling here continues profoundly deep is evidenced by the grave character and solemn dignity of the proceedings of the House to-day. The unanimity of the Republican strength on this subject is one of the most surprising developments. Heretofore, there has been a majority of the Republicans in the House strongly opposed to appealing to the last resort, and it has been twice defeated. But the feeling now is that twice have they desisted, and thrice has the President accepted it as a special immunity from punishment on which he could rely. And now, regretting its necessity as much as ever, they accept the last resort as a stern but disagreeable duty, simply because magnanimity is no longer a virtue, and conciliation no longer a policy with a man who not only betrayed his party, but stops not even before his country's peril. Such is their feeling; and they are ready not only to carry the issue through the Senate, but to that tribunal which is to give the final verdict -- the American people.

The Scene in the House

That the events now transpiring here are without precedent in many respects, and that such scenes are not likely to occur again in the lifetime of any, seems to be fully appreciated by the people, resident and transient, of this city. As early as 8 o'clock this morning, two hours before the House met, spectators began to wend their way to the galleries, and in an hour they were full to overflowing; and if three thousand were seated, at least ten thousand were turned away, unable to obtain admission. This was owing in a great measure to the fact that on Saturday there had been so much overcrowding that complaints had gone to the Speaker from the privileged classes, and some cold-blooded members insisted on the rigid enforcement of the rules, which was done without fear or favor, or distinction of any kind, and without relaxation, until the last hour of the day, when the great crush of snow-bound femininity -- for it snowed all day -- overflowed just the least on to the sacred precincts of the chamber of the House. The crowd in all parts of the Capitol was immense, and the early comers stood and sat their ground, eating their lunches during some dull speaker's tirade, and never leaving until the great final vote was announced. The best of order prevailed, however, enforced by the regular Capitol police. A squad of fifty of the city Metropolitans were on hand in the rotunda, to aid, if necessary, it having been telegraphed from Philadelphia that several hundred armed roughs, under the lead of a notorious rowdy and Alderman, had left that city for the purpose of intimidating Congress. But they did not come, and there was neither violence, passion, nor anger exhibited anywhere.

The Debate

Mr. Ashley opened the debate at 10 o'clock promptly. But few members were present; but before he had finished, enough made their appearance to give the House quite a full appearance. He yielded the floor for two minutes to Mr. Cook, who was followed by Mr. Bryan, of Pennsylvania, the first Democratic speaker of the day. He was interrupted by his colleague, Mr. Meyers, when a spirited colloquy ensued, in which, as usual, Gen. Schenck could not refrain from taking a hand. Mr. Kelsey was the next speaker. He advanced the startling theory that Mr. Johnson is not the President of the United States, but nevertheless announced that he would vote for the resolution which declares him to be President, Mr. Kelsey to the contrary notwithstanding. Mr. Cake then obtained the floor, but before he had finished his argument his time expired, and Mr. Beaman's turn came. He very modestly asked leave to print his remarks, and yielded to Mr. Blair, who was succeeded by his colleague, Mr. Driggs. E. B. Washburne then took up the gauntlet, but before he had concluded his effort the hour of 12 o'clock arrived, when the Congressional Saturday expired, although the clock marked the meridian on Monday. Judge Woodward, of Pennsylvania, took advantage of the opportunity to interpose a motion to adjourn, which entitled him to the floor immediately after the reassembling of the House. He accordingly was the first speaker in to-day's session, proper, and was the second defender of the President before the House since Saturday night. Judge Wilson, of Iowa, Chairman of the Judiciary Committee, was the next speaker. He was listened to with marked attention, not only on account of his acknowledged legal talent, but because he was the acknowledged leader of the anti-impeachers in the previous attempts. He took the ground that it was the President's duty to resign if he could not conscientiously execute the laws of Congress. He was followed by Mr. Woodbridge, of Vermont, another quondam anti-impeacher, also of the Judiciary Committee, Gen. Butler, then Fernando Wood, Pruyn and Sitgreaves, from the minority, each held the floor for half an hour. Mr. Poland, of Vermont, still another anti-impeaching Republican, during the last effort, was the next speaker, and his remarks in favor of the resolution attracted more than ordinary attention. Messrs. Stokes, Judd, Harding, and Pike were the next Republican speakers, and were followed by Mr. Eldridge and Carey against the resolution. Carey's speech was listened to long enough to find out which side of the fence he was on, when his hearers turned their attention to the more interesting subjects of private conversation, or the contents of their newspapers. Messrs. Haight, Broomall and Benton then obtained the floor, and were succeeded by Gov. Boutwell, acknowledgedly the strongest original impeacher in the House. His fierce invective and close, logical argument were listened to with the attention which his efforts always receive. Messrs. Kerr, Barnes, and Marshall followed him in opposition to the resolution. Judge Bingham, who seems very properly to have assumed the censorship of the Democratic speeches, called Judge Marshall to order, and objected to a remark which he had made to the effect that the Republicans had been whipped in to the support of the resolution. The Speaker sustained the point of order when Judge Marshall apologized and was allowed to proceed. A large number of members obtained leave to print remarks which they intended to make, when Mr. Stevens rose to close the debate. Judge Bingham made a motion to extend his time, which was defeated by a determination to fillibuster on the part of the minority, and Mr. Stevens proceeded. His voice failed him before he had uttered his first sentence, and he tremblingly asked that the Clerk might be allowed to read the manuscript copy of his speech, which request was acceded to. At two minutes before five the reading of the speech was concluded, and the vote was at once taken on the passage of the impeachment resolution. The call of the yeas and nays proceeded amid profound stillness, and nearly every member of the House responded to his name. But twelve members being absent the result was announced. Yeas 126, nays 47, the former being all Republicans and the latter all Democrats, except Messrs. Stewart, of New York, and Carey, of Ohio, who are somewhat divided in their political allegiance.

The Special Committees

At the conclusion of this vote the Democrats made a feeble attempt at fillibustering in order to prevent action to-night on the resolutions appointing committees to frame articles of impeachment and to notify the Senate. They soon abandoned it, however; the resolutions were carried and the Committees were appointed as follows: To notify the Senate -- Messrs. Stevens and Bingham. To frame articles of impeachment -- Mr. Stevens, of Pennsylvania; Mr. Bingham, of Ohio; Mr. Boutwell, of Massachusetts; Mr. Ward, of New-York; Mr. Wilson, Chairman of the Judiciary Committee, of Iowa; Mr. Logan, of Illinois; and Mr. Julian, of Indiana. At 6 o'clock the House adjourned.

Proceedings in the Senate

The Senate, of course, was not very attractive, in view of the proceedings in the House; but its galleries were filled by the overflow from the galleries of that body. The attention of all was arrested at the very beginning by the solemn and impressive prayer of the Chaplain, Rev. Dr. Gray, who prayed that Senators, in the midst of turmoil and strife that now raged around, might not be unmindful that God reigns, and that both Senators and Representatives should come prepared to discharge the high and difficult duties now depending upon them with clear hearts and consciences, and that the people throughout the whole country would respect inviolably the laws. Business was proceeded with in regular order, the bill regulating the presentation of bills to the President for his signature being under consideration for some time, when the modified Reconstruction act came up, and Mr. Doolittle proceeded to speak at length. The Senate, however, evidently had very little heart in what it was doing, and many of the members spent their time on the floor of the House listening to the speeches. However, about 2 o'clock a message was received from the President, which proved to be an Executive character, and an Executive Session was shortly ordered. The message proved to be the nomination of Hon. Thomas Ewing, Sr. of Ohio, as Secretary of War, the same which was sent, but did not reach the Senate on Saturday, on account of the adjournment.

There was another message, thirty pages long, giving reasons for the removal of Mr. Stanton, from which the seal of secrecy was removed afterward, and which will be found in full elsewhere. It is generally regarded as explanatory of his action, and apologetic in tone, though Mr. Johnson firmly adheres to the rightfulness of his course, and pleads full justification for all his acts.

The nomination of Mr. Ewing was laid on the table for the present. Under the resolution of the Senate passed on Friday night last, it cannot do less in making final disposition of it than to return it to the President.

The Future Proceedings

The great interest after to-morrow centres in the Senate. The House has well nigh finished its work. It becomes prosecutor, of course, but entrusts the conduct of the case to the managers it shall select. These should be, and undoubtedly will be, the ablest men that body affords. The Select Committee, appointed by the Speaker to frame articles of impeachment, will not manage the case, as is supposed by some.

The House must indicate whom it wishes to act as counsel, and the duty of this Committee of seven will be finished when it presents the articles for adoption. The almost unanimous expression is, that but a single article is necessary which will set forth in logical terms the violation of the Constitution and the law by the President. There are some who are urging that the articles shall go back and present matter which has already been decided by the House to be insufficient to warrant an indictment. But as this would greatly tend to weaken and complicate the case and greatly prolong the trial, such advice will undoubtedly be disregarded. It is conceded by all those favoring impeachment that the great necessity now is of a prompt and speedy trial. All the prominent leaders of the Republican Party urge and argue that their only safety is in carrying the matter through with the same degree of boldness and vigor with which it has been commenced.

A Speedy Trial

The pressure of the entire Republicans strength of the House, backed by the sentiment of the party in the country, will be brought to bear upon the Senate to prevent any unnecessary delay.

To-morrow Mr. Stevens and Mr. Bingham, the committee appointed to-night to acquaint the Senate with the action of the House, will wait upon that body and give them the first preliminary official notification of the impeachment, and inform them that the articles will be presented in due time.

There is much speculation as to how soon the Senate will take cognizance of the case. It seems to be thought in some quarters that the Senate can delay action and take up the case when it pleases, but whether this is so or not, there is little doubt that it will proceed promptly to the work, organizing the Court of Impeachment at once, try the case without delay, and thus dispose of the question in the shortest time, that being unquestionably the best for the interest of the country.

Chief Justice Chase, no matter what his other official engagements may be, will respond promptly to the call of the Senate to take his position as the presiding officer of the Court. Indeed the language of the Constitution fixes his duty so plainly that whatever may be the necessities of the business of the Supreme Court or the urgency of the trial of Jeff Davis, they must all stand still if they cannot be prosecuted without the presencee of the Chief Justice.

The Probable Result

As to the result of the trial the President is already convicted in the minds of most people. It matters not that Senators are to give their verdict upon their oaths. They must be presumed to act conscientiously, but the record of their action upon the very question which is the basis of the Impeachment is conclusive of the fact that most of them have already decided the case.

New points of law may be involved which will perhaps change the opinions of some, but as the Senate consists of fifty-three members when all are present, it will require nine Republicans to coincide with the nine Democrats to prevent a verdict of guilty. This result is looked upon as simply impossible, unless some new and startling developments shall take place.

It is believed that the Senate will organize as a Court as early as Wednesday, and that its warrant, taking jurisdiction of the case, will reach the President on the same day or the day following.

How much time he will ask for preparation is not known; but as the issue will be very simple, and as he has himself discussed it repeatedly, it is therefore argued that he will need comparatively little time.

The President's Counsel

Jerry Black, it seems to be assumed as a matter of course, will be one of his counsel. Attorney-General Stanbery will probably also appear in his behalf. Charles O'Connor, Esq., of New-York, is also suggested, but the fact that he is counsel for Jeff. Davis would be a conjunction of circumstances not favorable to the moral effect of the President's defense.

Dispatches to the Associated Press

Washington, Monday, Feb. 24.

The excitement in the city continues, and the Impeachment question is the general theme. The Capitol long before the hour of meeting, was crowded, particularly on the House side of the building, and thousands were unable to obtain admittance to the galleries. The doorways were obstructed by ladies and the lobbies were densely filled with persons of both sexes. There was no abatement of interest thoughout the entire proceedings of the House, which continued eight hours and a half.

The Senate adjourned a short time before the vote was taken, and the members of that body came into the hall in good season to hear the yeas and nays called and the result announced.

The response of every member was listened to with interest, there being several Republicans about whose vote there was heretofore some doubt, but the Republican Party voted in solid column, if Messrs. Stewart, of New-York, and Mr. Carey, of Ohio, be excepted from the division. They voted in the negative. The announcement of the vote was not received with any demonstrations either on the floor or in the galleries. So far as the members were concerned, they all seemed satisfied with what they had done.

The Committee on Reconstruction have, by order of the Senate, been furnished with the following letter, which was sent by the President to Mr. Stanton, and which has not heretofore been published:

Executive Mansion

Washington, Feb. 21, 1868

Sir: By virtue of the power and authority vested in me as President by the Constitution and laws of the United States, you are hereby removed from the office of Secretary of the Department of War, and your functions as such will terminate upon the receipt of this communication.

You will transfer to Brevet Major-Gen. Lorenzo Thomas; Adjutant-General of the Army, who has this day been authorized and empowered to act as Secretary of War ad interim, all records, books, papers, and other public property now in your custody and charge.

Respectfully yours,
(Signed,)
Andrew Johnson. To Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Washington, D. C.

Gen. Thomas and Secretary Stanton

Adjt.- Gen. Thomas this morning entered the office in the War Department, occupied by Mr. Stanton, Gen. O. O. Howard and Judge Fisher were present. After the morning salutation,

Gen. Thomas said: Mr. Stanton I have, this morning, again received orders from the President of the United States to assume the command of the War Department. I now appear and notify you that I come to take possession of the building, and to assume the office of Secretary of War ad interim.

Mr. Stanton replied: I do not acknowledge such authority. I do not recognize the authority of the President to issue any such order. I refuse to surrender the War Office, the building, or the mails, records, & amp;c., belonging to the department.

Mr. Stanton further said: Gen. Thomas, I now order you to your room as Adjutant-General, and to discharge the duties of such office.

Gen. Thomas replied: I will do no such thing. I have been ordered to discharge the duties of Secretary of War, ad interim, and I intend to do so.

Gen. Thomas then left Mr. Stanton's room and repaired to Gen. Schriner's room, then to Gen. Townsend's room, and next to Gen. Beck's room. To each of these officers he gave orders that all letters, important communications, & amp;c., coming to, going from or through their respective Departments, should be sent at once to him. It is supposed that the application for a writ, directed against Mr. Stanton to show cause why he retains possession of the War Department, will be made tomorrow.

The Senate referred the nomination of Thos. Ewing to be Secretary of War, to the Committee of Military Affairs.

The Course to be Pursued.

The course heretofore pursued in cases of impeachment, and which will be followed now, is as follows:

The Committee of Two appointed by the House will proceed to the bar of the Senate and inform that body that the House of Representatives have impeached Andrew Johnson for the commission of high crimes and misdemeanors, which they are prepared to maintain by proof. The Committee will then retire, and the Senate will notify the House that they are prepared to receive any further communication on the subject. After receiving such message, the Committee of Seven appointed by the House will prepare the charges and specifications in form and present them to the Senate. The trial will then commence.

The President's Reception

The reception at the Executive Mansion to-night was largely attended, more so than on any similar occasion during the season, notwithstanding the disagreeable weather. The President did not seem to be disturbed by to-day's action of the House of Representatives, but received many of his friends in his usual manner. Among the visitors were Attorney-General Stanbery, Secretaries Seward and McCulloch, and Postmaster-General Randall.


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