Worlds in Collision

[Atlas]

Worlds in Collision:
A Look at the Impact of Modern Legislation on the Ainu Culture of Japan


THE PEOPLE: The Ainu of Japan are thought to be the descendents of Japan's first indigenous population--the Jomon. For the past 2,000 years, the Ainu have made their home in Japan's northern islands, most notably on Hokkaido. This archaic population traditionally sustained itself through fishing, hunting, and food gathering (Ohnuki-Tierney 1974). They speak the Ainu language which has no linguistic connection to any other known language. They are renowned for their beautiful clothing and traditional patterns, tattoos, ceremonies, distinctive appearance, and exceptionally hairy bodies.

THE PROBLEM: For the last 2,000 years, the Ainu people of Japan have be subjected to genocide, racism, degradation, and abuse (Kodama 1970). Their distinctive physical appearance and unusual culture practices have been met with intolerance and violence. Now, relegated to the marginal environs of Japan's icy northern realms, the Ainu are struggling to keep their cultural heritage alive despite dwindling populations and continued hardship.

In recent years, much like Amerindian populations, the Ainu have found that real, positive changes can occur through political activism. Scattered groups have joined together to fight to preserve native lands, fishing and hunting rights, access to timber resources, and political and racial equality. Although their organization is still in its infancy, the Ainu have already made headway by enacting laws and vocalizing their protests (Nemoto 1993).

This research project is designed to investigate how the Ainu are dealing with modern issues of racism, environment, resource preservation, and political activism. The goal is to evaluate the effects of recent legislation by the Japanese government concerning Ainu rights, and to determine whether such efforts are having a positive or negative effect on Ainu populations.

METHODOLOGY: I proposed to first become acquainted with the Japanese law making process, the individuals on both the Ainu and the Japanese political fronts, and to become familiar with the past, present, and future laws that effect Ainu populations. This will be accomplished through both library and fieldwork on mainland Japan and on Hokkaido. Secondly, extensive fieldwork and participant observation of several Ainu villages on Hokkaido will be necessary to determine the effects of past legislation, and the problems of present concern. After I acquire a conversational knowledge of the Ainu language, key informants will be interviewed and monitored. Interviews of both old and new Ainu generations will be compared and contrasted, revealing important differences and distinctions.

[Atlas]

INTRODUCTION

What is the Problem?

After two thousand years of oppression and degradation, the native Ainu people of Japan are beginning to climb the ladder towards social equality. The Japanese people, who have traditionally practiced racist politics, are grudgingly allowing the Ainu to participate in political decision making, as well as further exercise autonomy on their home island of Hokkaido (Nemoto 1993). This research project is designed to investigate how the Ainu are dealing with modern issues of racism, environment, resource preservation, and political activism. The goal is to evaluate the effects of recent legislation by the Japanese government concerning Ainu rights, and to determine whether such efforts are having a positive or negative effect on Ainu populations.

Why is this Research Important?

This research is of extreme importance, not only to the Ainu people, but to international assemblies and indigenous cultures worldwide. The Ainu will receive immediate benefits from the proposed research. It will assist them in their evaluation of the Japanese government's response to their needs. The research will answer questions like: Are the promises made by the Japanese government being fulfilled? And, what more can be done?

The research will also allow the Ainu to determine if their activism has been fruitful. Are the Ainu taking steps in the right direction toward racial, social, and political equality? And, in what better ways might the Ainu proceed to be more effective and efficient in their political activism?

Finally, this research will create a body of data that can be compared cross-culturally with the political efforts of other native groups fighting for equality. Ainu successes might be modeled by other groups, and their failures learned from. Additionally, international assemblies, like the United Nations, might use such a report to refine their policies towards indigenous populations.

[Atlas]

BACKGROUND

Ethnographic Overview

According to the Ainu Association of Hokkaido, there are as many as 100,000 Ainu descendants living today. Official government statistics place the number closer to about 25,000. Most living Ainu are either married to ethnic Japanese or are part Japanese themselves. There are no pure blood Ainu surviving, but their distinctive physical features can still be seen in living populations. Only a few thousand Ainu are living in the traditional fashion, but efforts are being made to preserve their ancient traditions through the creation of a cultural center and the opening of an Ainu language school on Hokkaido (Nemoto 1993).

The Ainu of today still practice a food collecting, hunting, and fishing tradition. They are settled near rivers where they exploit salmon runs, or by the ocean where they catch sea mammals. When hunting sea mammals, the Ainu use hand crafted harpoons. When hunting or trapping in the forest, they use a traditional small bow and arrow kit or set a crossbow tripwire. They have also been known to hunt with dogs.

Although sedentary, Ainu subsistence and economic activities vary seasonally. Men manage the cold season (late October through May) by hunting and trapping land (martens, bear, musk, deer, reindeer, foxes, otters, hares, and squirrels) and sea (seals and sea lions) mammals, chopping firewood, ice fishing, and carving tools. Women generally sew, weave, and embroider at home while raising the children. During the warm season (June through September), men generally fish in rivers for salmon, and in the oceans for herring and trout. From mid-August to mid-September, Ainu smoke their fish catches for winter usage. They forage for plants (leek, corydalis bulbs, marine plants and berries) in grassy and wooded environments. These plants are used for food as well as for ceremonial and medicinal purposes (Ohnuki-Tierney 1974). Timber is also an important resource for the Ainu. They use wood to construct their homes, sleds, boats, tools, ceremonial objects, and musical instruments. Wood and timber are generally gathered and stockpiled toward the end of the warm season.

Ainu houses have only one room and are generally made of timber. Different sections of the house have different functions. The front of the house is sacred and there is a window in which special belongings are passed through. In the center of the room is a hearth. A wealthy Ainu might have multiple hearths, but characteristically Ainu only have one hearth. Cooking is done over fire in the home and many activities center around the hearth. While spending time at home, men carve religious objects consider deities and other utilitarian objects. The majority of deities are ritual sticks used in ceremonies and during prayer. Women are forbidden to touch these objects. Other carved objects, like eating utensils are made with meticulous care. Even mundane objects, like bowls and spoons are considered works of art and made with precision. Women are expert cloth makers. Using bone nettles, they fashion robe-like garments from fish and seal skins. Intricate patterns are woven into the garments with different symbolic significance. Although social stratification is limited in Ainu culture, garment pattern and design can signify prestige and honor.

The Ainu are extremely creative. They write epic poetry, dance, and music that is acknowledged worldwide for its excellence (Ohnuki-Tierney 1974). Some have compared Ainu poetry to that composed by the ancient Greeks, but have blamed language barriers for its lack of exposure. Riddles are also a favorite pastime. Ainu music and dance are performed for entertainment as well as for ceremonial reasons. The Ainu create their own musical instruments, some of which are considered deities and cannot be touched by females. However, women have far more elaborate beautification rituals than men. These include facial and body tattoos which are generally blue in color. Frequently Ainu women have the area around their mouths tattooed and/or intricate patterns tattooed down the length of their arms.

Religion cannot be separated from everyday Ainu life. All events have symbolic or spiritual significance to the Ainu. They practice a type of animism. Most beings in the universe have a soul, including all ages and types of humans, plants, animals, and even man-made objects (utensils, tools, clothing). The soul can temporarily leave the body when dreaming and permanently leaves at death. A proper funeral is necessary to ensure the safe travel to the afterlife. Improper handling of a corpse can lead to illness without cure. Only shamanism can cure this kind of illness, which is normally considered the result of a spirit possession.

A certain number of soulful beings or objects are more important than others to the Ainu. These are called deities and are generally divided into four categories. The first group consists of those souls that reside in the living area, like the God of the Hearth, House, or Ground. Secondly, there are the land animal or mountain deities. These are wolves, foxes, owls, and the ‰ÛÏmountain people‰Û? or bears, which are of primary importance. Sea deities are those that reside in the water, like the Creator of Fish. Finally there are sky dwellers, like the Goddess of Sun and Moon and the Dra gon Deities.

The most important ritual to the Ainu is the "Bear Ceremony". The entire rite takes over two years and incorporates catching and raising a bear cub. The man who captures the cub becomes it surrogate parent and raises the animal in his home. If the cub is still nursing, an Ainu woman who is lactating may nurse the cub as well. The animal is well fed and taken care of. On the day of the ceremony, settlements from afar join together, strengthening new ties and old relationships. The event serves to promote cohesion and solidarity amongst the geographically separated groups. The bear is ultimately shot and killed with metal-tipped arrows. This act is intended to release the bear's soul so it can return to the mountains and be born anew. The bear is then skinned and consumed. After several days of feasting, the bear is brought to the mountains where it is ceremonially laid to rest. The bear ceremony marks the end of the cold season and the time to move to the summer settlement location (Ohnuki-Tierney 1974: 92).

The Ainu practice a loose patrilineal kinship system. Living in the home is either a nuclear or extended family, including the wife, children, and the man's parents (especially if he is the eldest son). There is no taboo against the wife's parents residing in the home as well. Property of the father is usually transferred to the eldest son who then takes on the responsibility of caring for his parents. Similarly, property from the mother is usually transferred to her daughter. Marriages often occur between members of the same settlement or related settlements. Occasionally at large ceremonial events comprised of multiple settlements, Ainu will meet their future spouses. The Ainu condemn nuclear family and first cousin marriages. They believe the offspring will be physically weak or deformed. The Ainu practice polygyny. It is seen as a status enhancing act for a man. It is considered a great accomplishment if he can afford two or more wives (Ohnuki-Tierney 1974: 78).

Not much is known about the Ainu language. It is not related to any other known language and appears to be a survival from ages past. Although few Ainu still speak the Ainu language, it has had an impact on Japanese culture. Place names like "Sapporo" and "Fuji" are from the Ainu language. Although the Ainu did not have a written language, efforts to preserve the language are being made. Despite these efforts, some fear that the spoken language will be soon lost.

[Atlas]

Historical Background

The Ainu of Japan are thought to be the descendants of Japan's first indigenous population--the Jomon. Jomon origins are still shrouded in mystery, but some anthropologists suggest that they came from Siberia or Russia over 25,000 years ago (Kodama 1970). There is evidence of a stone age Jomon occupation in Japan as early as 18,000 B.C. The Jomon are recognized as the world's first pottery makers, having produced ceramics as early as 10,500 B.C. (Diamond 1998: 90). Although the Jomon were sedentary, they did not develop agriculture, but continued to survive off the resource rich environment for many millennia.

It is generally believed that roughly 2,500 years ago, when rice was booming as the primary means of subsistence in Asia, large numbers of people flooded from Korea to Japan. These immigrants were the ancestors of today's Mongolian Japanese population. A minority of Japanese researchers still contest this theory, but it is generally accepted by the scientific community. This hypothesis is supported by dental analysis conducted by anthropologist, Dr. Christy G. Turner III. Dr. Turner discovered that the teeth of modern Ainu are most similar to the teeth of ancient Jomon remains, whereas the dentition of modern Japanese populations resembles that of the ancient Chinese (Karp 1977: 231). Cranial morphological studies, as well as more recent genetic studies, tend to confirm this hypothesis (Diamond 1998: 90). This supports cultural continuity for the Ainu and a migration of the Japanese from China. The Korean immigrant of 2,500 B.C. (or from China via Korea) are known as the "Yayoi". When they arrived in Japan, they found the Jomon living a fairly simple existence. The Jomon natives called themselves Ainu (pronounced "Eye-noo"), meaning in their language, "man" (Karp 1977: 231). They were fishermen, hunters, and food-collectors. They lived in timber huts, practiced strange rituals, and spoke a foreign tongue. Although they lived only a few hundred miles across a narrow strip of water from the Asian mainland, the Ainu did not have a knowledge of intensive agriculture, metal, writing, weaving, animal domestication (except perhaps dogs and pigs), and had little social stratification. However, most importantly to the Yajoi, the Ainu looked different.

The Ainu were, and still are, exceptionally hairy. Male children develop body hair at an extremely young age and even some Ainu women possess thick body hair on their extremities, faces, and torsos. The Ainu also tend to have wavy hair. Unlike the Yajoi, the Ainu faces looked more like Europeans than Asians. They lack the epicanthic eye folds typical of Mongolian populations, as well as had reduced zygomatic arches (Karp 1977: 231). In addition, their skin was considerably more fair. Needless-to-say, history has taught us that racial differences are often met with intolerance.

When the Yajoi entered Japan via Korea, they found as many as 250,000 Jomon living in the Japanese islands. The Ainu had villages that extended down to the middle of Honshu, which is the main Japanese island where Tokyo is located. However, with the introduction of Yajoi culture, also came the introduction of advanced weaponry. The Ainu bow and arrow was no match to the saber. Thousands of years of relative peace for the Ainu came to a quick and sudden halt.

In a similar fashion to the European settlers' extermination of American Indians, the Ainu were systematically eradicated from their traditional homelands. Even to modern times, the Ainu were referred to as "Hairy Barbarians" by the Japanese. Their odd looks and hairy bodies were taken as indicators of primitiveness, or seen as representing a state of early human evolutionary development. The Japanese warrior class known as the Samurai originally sprang from the noble deed of killing Ainu. The Ainu were pushed by the Yajoi further and further north into the marginal zones of northern Japan (Karp 1977: 231). Even into the 19th century, the Ainu were displaced from their northern encampments on chilly Hokkaido, Sakhalin, and Kurile islands. When Sakhalin island became Russian territory at the end of World War II, Ainu populations were relocated to Hokkaido. The Kurile Island Ainu are now extinct (Ohnuki-Tierney 1974). Although populations were thought to have dwindled into the hundreds during the last century, they have climbed in recent years and are several tens of thousands strong today. However, only a small number of Ainu live traditionally and speak the Ainu language.

Due to the Ainu's forced retreat into the northern territories, their subsistence practices were forced to change. They had to adapt to the cooler climate with different subsistence strategies. As a result of this transition, most knowledge of traditional Ainu culture has been lost. There are no written records to indicate the Ainu way of life prior to their displacement by the Yayoi

[Atlas]

Political Background

It is important to examine the political background of the Ainu people to fully understand the intent of this research project. The Ainu have been historically mistreated by the controlling entities of Japan. To understand the critical nature of this proposed enthnography, it is essential to know the sociopolitical context from which it derives.

The Ainu's modern situation is not much improved from their historic one. After their relegation to Hokkaido island, they continued to be exploited and exterminated. However, in 1456 the Ainu mounted the first of two armed rebellions against the Matsumae Clan of the Wajin people, who controlled Hokkaido island at the time. This first rebellion was led by the Ainu leader Koshamine. Although the Ainu were forced to retreat, the event marked a willingness to fight which intimidated the Wajin. In 1669 the Ainu mounted a second revolt again the Matsumae Clan, this one led by Shakushine. The Matsumae Clan feared defeat by Shakushine and agreed to sign a peace treaty. At the meeting, however, the Matsumae Clan poisoned Shakushine and forced the Ainu to sign an unfair agreement that promised submission to the Wajin for three generations (Nemoto 1993).

A second agreement was forced upon the Ainu by the Matsumae Clan at the time. It was known as the "Land Lease" system. It gave the Wajin people free right to exploit Ainu land and people as they saw fit. It generally focused on fishing , hunting, and timber rights. In turn, free trade by the Ainu was restricted and trade zones were manipulated to assist the Wajin. The Land Lease system was condoned by the central power, the Tokugawa Shogunate, who controlled most of Honshu at the time. As a result, the system was operational until the Tokugawa Shogunate collapsed in the 19th century (Nemoto 1993).

From the Land Lease system was born what is known as "Ainu Kantei" (Ainu calculation). This absurd and fraudulent system was used by the Wajin when counting fish, kelp, and fur that was being sold by Ainu traders. When counting items to be purchased, the Wajin would count, "Begin, 1, 2, ---9, 10, End". In this way, they could get twelve items for the price of ten! Any objection was met with beatings and humiliation.

As a result of the unfair policies, the Ainu were ushered into certain debt. To repay these debts, the Ainu men were made to do forced labor in Wajin fishing grounds. These labor intensive camps did not allow the Ainu men enough rest and many died as a result. While Ainu men were interned in the labor camps, their wives and daughters were frequently raped by Wajin men. Some of the mixed Ainu-Japanese populations that now live on Hokkaido are a result of these atrocities.

When the Tokugawa Shogunate crumbled in the early 19th century, it was replaced by the Meiji Government. They formed the Hokkaido Colonization Commission to exploit the resources on Hokkaido. Part of this program included the "Assimilation Policy," where use of the Ainu language was forbidden and Ainu traditions and customs were forcibly suppressed. Additionally, Ainu hunting and fishing practices were either restricted or banned.

In 1873, the Meiji Government created the "Land Tax Revision Act" and sections of land were issued throughout Japan. Hokkaido was considered ownerless and was allocated as Imperial holdings. The "Hokkaido Land Deed Issuance Regulation" of 1877 was the final nail in the coffin for the Ainu. Through a variety of unjust provisions, it granted the privately owned Imperial land of Hokkaido to the Japanese state. As a result, all Ainu land was immediately owned by the Meiji Government (Nemoto 1993).

In 1886 The Hokkaido Colonization Commission changed it name to the Hokkaido Agency and colonists flooded to the island as never before. Ainu were forced from their homes and into the mountains and other marginal environments. The hunting and gathering Ainu were then pressured to begin land reclamation and agricultural activities by an agricultural labor policy. Starvation and illness was beginning to decimate the Ainu population.

Finally, recognizing the deteriorating state of the Ainu, the Meiji Government passed the "Law for the Protection of the Hokkaido Aboriginals" in 1899. However, this again was a ploy to marginalize the Ainu. Ainu families were granted about twelve acres on which they had to farm. If the land was not productive within fifteen years, it was repossessed by the government. Yet, the land granted was frequently in river beds, on the sides of cliffs, or in otherwise inhospitable locations. Most of the land that was granted was confiscated back by the Meiji Government. As this law was designed to promote agriculture, it further included restrictions on hunting and lumbering. Violators were arrested for poaching or stealing. In essence, the Law for the Protection of the Hokkaido Aboriginals forced the Ainu people to become low-wage workers in Hokkaido's farming communities (Nemoto 1993).

This miserable state of existence for the Ainu persisted until recent times. Only in the past 10 years has any positive change been enacted by the Japanese government.

[Atlas]

Recent Developments

Over the past ten years, Ainu leaders have aggressively sought equality and just treatment from the Japanese government. Their valiant efforts have made great strides in the quest for fairness. Following is a list of the most recent developments effecting the Ainu people and culture.

The Ainu Association of Hokkaido petitioned the Governor and prefectural assembly for passage of the Legislation Concerning the Ainu People - July 1984

The Hokkaido Government made a formal request to the national government concerning the enactment of Ainu Law. The request was made in response to the wishes of the Ainu Association of Hokkaido - December 1984

The Report of the Experts Meeting Concerning Ainu Affairs encouraged the Japanese government to consider the proposed legislation - August 1988

The Government Committee for Consideration of the New Ainu Law was established - December 1989

The United Nations recognize the Ainu as Japan's aboriginal nation - November 1992

The Ainu petition for a law that gives them a share of Hokkaido's rich fish and timber resource - June 1994

The Experts Meeting Concerning Ainu Affairs was established - March 1995

The implementation of specific measures to accord with new legislative measures were enacted - April 1996

The Liaison Conference of the Ministries and Agencies Concerned for Ainu Measures was established - May 1996

The Law to Promote Ainu Culture and Disseminate Knowledge of Ainu Traditions was announced - May 1997

The Law to Promote Ainu Culture and Disseminate Knowledge of Ainu Traditions was enacted - July 1997

The Foundation for Research and Promotion of Ainu Culture was approved by the Hokkaido government, the Development Agency, and the Ministry of Education - June 1997

The Foundation for Research and Promotion for Ainu Culture was granted sole authority to carry out the services provided by the new Ainu law - November 1997 (Nemoto 1988)

[Atlas]

PREVIOUS ETHNOGRAPHIC RESEARCH

In 1854 Commodore Matthew Perry of the United States Navy finally convinced the rulers of Japan to abandon their centuries-old isolationist policy and open their doors to the world. Foreign travelers and explorers were finally able to visit the mysterious country and returned to their homelands with tales of intrigue and curiosity. Before long, people across the globe were learning about the unusual race of people living on Japan's northern islands--the "Hairy Ainu" they were called (Karp 1977: 231).

This revelation brought an onslaught of ethnographers and anthropologists for the next 100 years. Nowadays, as Ainu culture is nearly at the brink of extinction, nearly every aspect of Ainu life has been documented. There are too many ethnological accounts to report here, but a I will mention a few crucial publications.

Two well-known general ethnologies were written by Emiko Ohnuki-Tierney and Sakuzaemon Kodama, M.D.. These texts are respectively entitled The Ainu of the Northwest Coast of Southern Sakhalin (1974) and Ainu: Historical and Anthropological Studies (1970). These books, both written in the 1970's, are still widely used by those curious about Ainu culture, history, and lifestyle. In 1981, Emiko Ohnuki-Tierney also published a book called Illness and Healing Among the Sakhalin Ainu (1981). In this book Ohnuki-Tierney takes an in-depth look at traditional Ainu herbal treatments and Shamanic healing.

Many recent Ainu enthnologies have been written by Ainu themselves. Our Land Was A Forest: An Ainu Memoir (1994), by Kayano Shigeru, discusses his experience being caught between two worlds, as he grew up an Ainu in modern Japan. He recounts his parents and grandparents' childhood stories and recites the Ainu poetry and songs that impacted his outlook on life. Songs of Gods, Songs of Humans (1979), by Donald L. Philippi, also looks at Ainu poetry and song.

Specific aspects of Ainu culture have also been written about. Ainu: Creed and Cult (1963), by Neil Gordon Munro, looks specifically at Ainu belief systems and rituals. The French anthropologist, George Montandon, looks at Ainu civilization and artifacts in La Civilisation Ainou et les Cultures Arctiques (1937). Clearly interest in the Ainu culture extends beyond the United States.

[Atlas]

PROPOSED RESEARCH

Objective

The objective of this research project is to investigate how the Ainu are dealing with modern issues of racism, environment, resource preservation, and political activism. The goal is to evaluate the effects of recent legislation by the Japanese government concerning Ainu rights, and to determine whether such efforts are having a positive or negative effect on Ainu populations.

Methodology and Technique

My methodology and technique will follow four steps:

(1) I will relocate to the island of Hokkaido and settle in the village of Shizunai in the province of Hidaka. There I will begin to learn the Ainu language and create relationships with key informants. After I attain a conversational knowledge of the Ainu language, I will travel with the Ainu political leaders to visit both the Hokkaido capital in Sapporo, as well as Tokyo on Honshu.

(2) I will become familiar with the Japanese law making process, the individuals on both the Ainu and the Japanese political fronts, and become acquainted with the past, present, and future laws that effect Ainu populations. This will be accomplished through both library and fieldwork on mainland Japan and on Hokkaido.

(3) I will then return to Hokkaido where I will conduct extensive fieldwork and participant observation of several Ainu villages on Hokkaido, but primarily in Shizunai. I will be focusing this phase of the research on everyday Ainu life and subsistence practices. This observation will be necessary to determine the effects of past legislation, and the problems of present concern. I will see if the Japanese government is upholding their end of the political bargains and I will examine the Ainu culture's response to the government aid, with specific regard to hunting, fishing, timber rights, and ceremonial activities.

(4) Key informants will be interviewed and monitored daily. Interviews of both old and new Ainu generations will be compared and contrasted, revealing important differences and distinctions. I will get the insider's opinion on the political changes and the way in which Ainu are personally effected. I will seek thick description when possible and attempt to get "life stories". During this phase I will also map the community, take household surveys and create genealogies.

Significance and Anticipated Results

As one would hope to see only positive results come from an analysis of the Japanese governments' recent Ainu legislation, this is not necessarily expected. In light of Japan's historic ill-treatment of the Ainu, one cannot help but to speculate that the Ainu are still subjected to injustices. After the research is compiled, I will consult civil rights attorneys in Japan and in the United States to see if injustices are occurring. I will then submit my report to the United Nations.

This research is of extreme importance, not only to the Ainu people, but to international assemblies and indigenous cultures worldwide. The Ainu will receive immediate benefits from the proposed research. It will assist them in their evaluation of the Japanese government's response to their needs. The research will answer questions like: Are the promises made by the Japanese government being fulfilled? And, what more can be done?

The research will also allow the Ainu to determine if their activism has been fruitful. Are the Ainu taking steps in the right direction towards racial, social, and political equality? And, in what better ways might the Ainu proceed to be more effective and efficient in their political activism?

Finally, this research will create a body of data that can be compared cross-culturally with the political efforts of other native groups fighting for equality. Ainu successes might be modeled by other groups, and their failures learned from. Additionally, international assemblies, like the United Nations, might use such a report to refine their policies towards indigenous populations.


REFERENCES


Diamond, Jared
      1998  "Japanese Roots,"  Discover Magazine 19: 6: 86-94.


Foundation for Research and Promotion of Ainu Culture
      1998  Realizing a Society Where the Pride of Ainu People as an Ethnic
Group is Respected.  Electronic     document. 
http://www.frpac.or.jp/english/e_index.html


Hicks, Jim ed.
      1991  "Hardy Remnants of Ancient Races," Mysterious Lands and Peoples.
 Morristown, New Jersey:        The Time Inc. Book Company.


Kodama, M.D. Sakuzaemon
      1970  Ainu:  Historical and Anthropological Studies.  Sapporo, Japan: 
Hokkaido University             Medical Library Series, Vol. 3


Karp, Walter
      1977  "Who Are The Hairy Ainu?"  Mysteries of the Past.  New York: 
American Heritage Publishing    Co., Inc.


Kottak, Conrad Phillip
      1999   Cultural Anthropology, 8th Edition.  New York:  McGraw-Hill, Inc.


Munro, Neil Gordon
      1963  Ainu:  Creed and Cult.  New York:  Columbia University Press.


Nemoto, Akihiko
      1993  Ainu.  Electronic document. 
http://www.nativenet.uthscsa.edu/archive/nl/9304/0031.html


Ohnuki-Tierney, Emiko
      1974  The Ainu of the Northwest Coast of Southern Sakhalin.  New York: 
Holt, Rinehart and      Winston, Inc.
      1981  Illness and Healing Among the Sakhalin Ainu: A Symbolic
Interpretation.  New York:              Cambridge University Press.


Service, Elman R.
      1978   Profiles in Ethnology, 3rd Edition.  New York:  HarperCollins.
 
http://www.teamatlantis.com/yucatan_test/research_ainu_culture.html