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FIRST NATIONS

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Bianca
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« Reply #60 on: March 14, 2009, 09:52:16 am »

             

              Petroglyph in original location at Jack Point

              Courtesy Loraine Littlefield








Nanaimo River estuary



The Nanaimo River Estuary (100 Kb) is the largest estuary on Vancouver Island. Estuaries are incredibly rich and diverse habitats where fresh water from rivers meets salt water from the ocean. The Nanaimo estuary, like other estuaries, provides important habitat for migratory birds, fish and wildlife. Understandably, the Nanaimo River estuary has been a significant place for Snuneymuxw First Nation for generations. Unfortunately, like so many estuaries, the pressures of urban development, industrialization, transportation and recreation have seriously damaged the health of this special place.

Of the four salmon species depicted on the Jack Point Petroglyph, only two, the Coho and Dog Salmon (or chum), run with any regularity or vitality. There are Chinook in the river, but they are very rare now and fishing for them is restricted. Unfortunately, the Canadian Department of Fisheries and Oceans opens the season for sport fishing but not for food. Some Snuneymuxw Elders believe that the river is dying because the petroglyph has been removed. They believe the estuary will not be restored to what it once was and will not be able to fully support salmon populations until the petroglyph has been put back in its original place at Jack Point.



http://www.snuneymuxwvoices.ca/english/petroglyph_elders.asp
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« Reply #61 on: March 14, 2009, 09:53:39 am »





                         
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« Reply #62 on: March 14, 2009, 09:54:39 am »





             
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« Reply #63 on: March 14, 2009, 09:57:01 am »




               

               Steve Daniel,
               a UBC archaeology graduate student,
               used radar technology to locate burials
               in B.C. First Nation cemeteries -

               photo by Martin Dee









                         Finding the Lost: Ground Penetrating Radar Helps First Nations Honour Ancestors







UBC Reports
By Basil Waugh
Nov. 6, 2008

It may look like a lawnmower, but a new ground-penetrating radar (GPR) device is helping UBC researchers to find what is hiding deep underground.

Construction companies use the technology to find underground pipes and cables, but UBC archaeologists and B.C. First Nations recently used it to locate something much more sacred: missing loved ones.

At the Metro Vancouver-area Musqueam First Nation, numerous burials from the early 1900s, whose grave markers had been removed or lost due to weathering, were located using the GPR and several burials with questionable markers were confirmed.

Thanks to the GPR, there are now also more than 70 new markers at the Kwantlen First Nation’s cemetery in Maple Ridge, B.C. Each one honours an ancestor whose headstone or metal cross had gone missing from theft, vandalism and car accidents from a nearby highway.

The GPR burial surveys are the first of their kind in North America, says UBC archaeology professor Andrew Martindale. What’s more, the technology helped researchers locate these First Nations’ ancestors without lifting a shovel. GPR uses software to generate visual representations of underground objects based on radio signals that it sends and receives.
“Knowing where our loved ones are means a great deal for our people,” says Kwantlen Chief Marilyn Gabriel. “It was a very powerful moment when we first saw all those new markers above where are our ancestors lay.”

Chief Gabriel says the Kwantlen plan to replace the temporary markers with a permanent monument and are consulting with spiritual and cultural advisors. “In my heart, that will complete the work,” says Chief Gabriel.

“This was very important research,” said Delbert Guerin, Musqueam Councillor and Elder. “It is an opportunity to teach our youth about the history of our people and our land.”

In 2007, UBC and the Musqueam received $70,000 from UBC’s Teaching and Learning Enhancement Fund (TLEF) to purchase the GPR device. It was piloted this past summer at an undergraduate field school created by UBC and the Musqueam.
“The field school enables UBC and the Musqueam to develop research projects that give students practical fieldwork experience and address the research interests of the Musqueam people,” says Martindale.

Martindale says the GPR burial surveys were made possible through the unique strengths of the Musqueam, the Kwantlen and UBC’s Laboratory of Archaeology in the Dept. of Anthropology.

“Archaeologists don’t typically work with contemporary burial sites, so this reminded us of the sacredness of our ties to the past,” says Martindale. “Having Musqueam and Kwantlen elders there to guide our work was as important as our archaeological expertise.”

UBC has an ongoing relationship with the Musqueam that goes back to the 1940s, Martindale adds. That was when UBC’s first archaeologist Charles Borden and a young Musqueum band member, Andrew Charles, initiated collaborative research between the two communities.

 Steve Daniel, a UBC archaeology graduate student and head statistician for the Canadian Football League, says he “learned more in six weeks than in any book” during his fieldwork experience on Kwantlen territory.

Daniel says GPR, which has a subterranean range of five metres, is an important archaeological tool, especially in urban areas. “It allows you to see what’s down there, because you can’t go around digging up city streets,” he says, noting that archaeological digs are expensive and destructive. “And if you do excavate, this helps you to be exact as possible, saving time and money.”

Daniel, who recently completed his undergraduate studies at UBC, credits the GPR, his professors and his experiences with the Musqueam and Kwantlen for his decision to pursue graduate research.

“I grew up in South Vancouver and that’s what I want to investigate – that’s where my passion is,” he says. “The area is rich in ‘European settler history’ and ‘First Nations time immemorial history.’ Trying to match them up is pretty interesting to me.”

For Musqueam Richard Sparrow, who helped conduct the GPR surveys, the projects had special meaning.

 “As a Musqueam myself, finding unmarked graves was very important to me,” said the 27-year-old, who trained students on how to use GPR technology. “I also think our ancestors would have really appreciated our efforts. That is what I kept thinking while we did the work.”
     
 
 

Last reviewed 06-Nov-2008

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« Reply #64 on: March 14, 2009, 09:58:20 am »









                                Ancient Dirty Pottery May Hold Key To Iroquoian Origin






ScienceDaily
(Apr. 18, 2000) —
Philadelphia, Pa. --

The last thing most people want is food-encrusted pots, but to one Penn State archaeologist, burned-on, crusty old food may be a key to determining the origins of the Iroquois.

"Before 1000 years ago in central New York, people were highly mobile hunter gathers who moved seasonally and lived in round shaped wigwams," says Janet Schulenberg, Ph.D. candidate in anthropology. "About 1000 years ago, people became more sedentary, staying in the same place for up to 25 years, farming corn, hunting and gathering."

The multifamily long house that is the classic identifier of Iroquois-ness came into use at this time."We know that the switch from mobile to sedentary happened, but we do not know if it happened over 200 years, or over two years," says Schulenberg.

"The Iroquois have been studied since 1680, but, we do not know why they changed house styles or adopted corn," she told attendees today (April 7) at the annual meeting of the Society of American Archaeology in Philadelphia.

The model commonly accepted for the past 500 years is that hunter and gatherers in the area, called the Point Peninsula culture, simply became the Iroquois. Development in place could have occurred when they adopted corn agriculture and of necessity needed to be sedentary to tend the crops. Or, they could have become more sedentary and then adopted corn agriculture.

The third option is that the Iroquois are a separate group who came from somewhere else.

"Corn is not native to New York, so the key to the origin of the Iroquois lies in when corn was adopted," says Schulenberg. "Were the people sedentary before corn or afterwards?"

The Penn State researcher is testing food residue on pots from around 1000 years ago to see if corn is present. Because corn is not native to the Northeast and is more like tropical grasses and sugar cane than other local edible plants, comparison of the stable carbon isotopes in the residue can show whether corn was present.

To test if corn could be identified on ancient pottery, she first analyzed potsherds from Pennsylvania. Three potsherds were from 200 A.D., well before corn was available in the region and six were from groups historically known to use corn.

"The method worked and correctly showed no corn on the early pots and corn on the historic pots," says Schulenberg. ?

To answer the Iroquois question, however, the researcher had to find pots that contained residue. "Most potsherds are in museums and were thoroughly washed when brought into the collection," says Schulenberg. "Washed pottery may contain residue, but currently only destructive methods can extract that residue."

Luckily, Schulenberg found a private collector who collected pottery from the same site for nearly 60 years and had never cleaned the pottery or placed it in plastic bags, which degrade organic material.

"The pottery sherds are spectacularly dirty," she notes.

Results from this pottery indicate that, while according to the pottery types found there the site was seasonally occupied by both Point Peninsula and early Iroquois, no corn was evident on any of the pottery.

"Corn may not be present on the Iroquoian pottery because they only occupied the site seasonally," says Schulenberg, who is a Weiss Graduate Scholar in anthropology. "But it does suggest that corn may not have contributed significantly to early Iroquoian life."

While Schulenberg's results are not yet conclusive, she does note that stable carbon isotope studies do work and should be used more to determine when corn was adopted.



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------



Adapted from materials provided by Penn State.
Need to cite this story in your essay, paper, or report? Use one of the following formats:
 APA

 MLA Penn State (2000, April 18). Ancient Dirty Pottery May Hold Key To Iroquoian Origin. ScienceDaily. Retrieved November 7, 2008, from



http://www.sciencedaily.com­ /releases/2000/04/000417100121.htm
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« Reply #65 on: March 20, 2009, 07:35:46 am »









                                        Arctic indigenous people cling to polar bear hunt
     





TROMSOE,
Norway
March 20, 2009
(AFP)

– Hunting polar bears has been banned since 1973 but the Arctic's indigenous peoples are exempt out of respect for their ancestral traditions, despite scientists' objections over how the quotas are divided.

"When I was a child, it was forbidden to speak our language, to do things like dancing because missionaries said we were worshipping the devils," said Charles Johnson, an Inuit from the small town of Nome, Alaska.

"We need to keep our traditions alive. That includes regaining our language, regaining our culture and polar bear hunting is part of that," he said on the sidelines of a follow-up meeting in the Norwegian town of Tromsoe on a 1973 polar bear conservation agreement.

Signed by the five Arctic states that have polar bears -- Canada, Denmark (Greenland), Norway, Russia and the United States -- the pact bans the hunt except in rare cases.

Article 3 of the agreement stipulates that "any contracting party may allow the taking of polar bears when such taking is carried out ... by local people using traditional methods in the exercise of their traditional rights."

Indigenous people consider the practice essential to their survival even though the bear accounts for only a small part of their diet and despite the fact that the species is under threat from climate change.

In Canada, which is home to two-thirds of the world's polar bears, part of the hunting quotas go to sports hunting by wealthy tourists.

"Subsistence is not just about nutrition. It is also about economic subsistence for the community," said Virginia Poter, the director general of the Canadian Wildlife Service.

A 10-day hunting expedition with a guide can bring in up to 30,000 Canadian dollars (24,400 US dollars, 18,000 euros) to the local population, or 1.87 million Canadian dollars annually.

"And the meat and fat usually remain in the country," she said.

The situation in Alaska is very different, where sports hunting is not allowed.

"There's no money involved, it's all about sharing," said Taqulik Hepa, an Inuit from Barrow in northern Alaska.

"When a polar bear is harvested, an announcement is made in the community and people come to the hunter's house to share the meat. It goes in no time," she said.

Each year, some 700 bears are killed in Canada, Greenland and Alaska out of a total population of 20,000 to 25,000 -- a level that scientists generally deem sustainable.

But a bone of contention is how the quotas are divvied up between different polar bear populations.

In the winter of 2004, authorities in the Canadian territory of Nunavut sharply increased quotas in Baffin Bay located between Canada and Greenland, from 64 to 105 animals.

The decision was based on Inuit accounts of increasingly frequent bear sightings.

"Raising quotas was a mistake," said Canadian polar bear expert Ian Stirling.

"People reported seeing more polar bears and the interpretation was that there were more polar bears. But the truth is that it was probably linked to the melting of sea ice, which forced bears onto land," he told AFP.

Added to the Greenland Inuits' taking of about 100 bears from the same population, the Nunavut decision has endangered the survival of the species in the area, according to scientists who said a sustainable quota to be shared by the two countries was 93.

"The population I'm most concerned about is the one in Baffin Bay," Stirling said. 
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« Reply #66 on: June 01, 2009, 03:36:24 pm »









THE INUIT OF THE ARCTIC REGIONS OF CANADA ETC.




http://atlantisonline.smfforfree2.com/index.php/topic,16044.new.html


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« Reply #67 on: June 01, 2009, 03:45:50 pm »

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    Subsistence in the Great Plains of North America 10,000 Years Ago
« on: September 13, 2007, 10:54:27 pm » Quote 

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------






Native Americans and Subsistence in the Great Plains of North America 10,000 Years Ago






Peter N. Jones

I'm a native of Colorado, having been born in the state and lived there for most of my life. My parents were of Welsh, Norweigen, and Choctow ancestry. I have worked with various American Indian tribes, indigenous peoples from the Dominican Republic, and Hispanic minorities as a social scientist. Currently I am director of the Bauu Institute located in Boulder, Colorado. My books include: Respect for the Ancestors and American Indian Genetics

 
September 12, 2007

When the ancestors of today’s Native American, Alaskan Natives, and First Nation peoples migrated to the North American continent, the variety and types of animals encountered were very different than those of northeast Asia. In North America these early migrants had to learn how to hunt and subsist not only in a new land, but also on new plants and animals. Yet, as is well established, these early Native Americans were excellent innovators, and shortly after migrating to North America had learned how to flourish in their new land. What these early Native Americans hunted, how they moved across the land, and what their general lifeway pattern looked like has always been of interest to archaeologists, anthropologists, and others researching the peopling of the Americas. To investigate these questions, researchers have come up with several ingenious methods, one of which is called “prey choice.” Prey choice is the examination and analysis of the animals found in archaeological sites (the prey) in order to gain insights into the diet, subsistence technologies, and general lifeway patterns (the choice) of these early Native Americans.

Recent research using this method has provided some key insights into the peopling of the Americas and the subsistence patterns of early Native Americans who lived during what is called by archaeologists as the Paleoindian period (13,500-8,000 years before present). During the Paleoindian period it has long been argued that Native American foragers’ diets were quite narrow; groups using Clovis tool technology were thought to subsist almost entirely on mammoths, while later groups using Folsom and subsequent technologies were thought to have mainly hunted bison. This concept of early Native Americans as specialized big-game hunters persisted through the 1960s and 1970s, despite discovery of a few sites demonstrating evidence of small game use. Beginning in the late 1980s, however, the view of early Native Americans as large mammal hunting specialists began to be questioned for several reasons. First, studies of modern hunter-gatherers suggested that specialized large mammal hunting strategies were economically unfeasible and possibly even dangerous to the hunters. Second, models proposing a big-game emphasis on a continental scale ignored regions, such as eastern North America and the Great Basin, where there was little evidence for the exploitation of large game throughout the historic record. Third, early research was influenced by biases in the type of sites (mostly kill and carcass processing sites) and the location where research occurred (primarily in the Great Plains), all of which erroneously pointed toward a specialized hunting model of subsistence. Finally, large-game hunting is more archaeologically visible than other subsistence activities because the preservation of the bones of large-bodied animals is significantly greater than the remains of small game, thus leading archaeologists to initially conclude that early Native Americans hunted large mammals almost exclusively.

Despite these facts arguing for a new understanding, a number of researchers continued to maintain into the late 1980s and early 1990s that large mammal hunting was not only a critical component of early Native American daily subsistence, but also greatly contributed to their technology, mobility, and land use strategies. Some even pointed to large-game hunting as a primary causal factor in the extinction of Pleistocene megafauna.


These conclusions, however, can no longer reasonably be supported, and there is now overwhelming evidence arguing that early Native Americans, like their modern-day relatives, utilized a wide variety of floral and faunal resources as part of their subsistence pattern. For example, research by Matthew E. Hill, Jr., at the University of Iowa indicates that different site types provide different perspectives on early Native American faunal use. Using data from 60 sites, Hill concluded that early Native Americans hunted not only bison and mammoth, but also rabbits, turtles, pronghorn, deer, bighorn sheep, prairie dogs, beavers, snakes, canids, fish, badgers, bears, raccoon, muskrat, and many other species.

What this evidence reveals is that early Native American diets were highly environmentally contextualized. For example, when early Native Americans were in the low diversity grasslands of the High Plains and Rolling Hills of the Great Plains, they hunted almost exclusively large fauna, especially bison, for the entire 5,000 years of the Paleoindian period. This strategy was possible because grassland environments maintained large herds of bison despite drastic environmental change through the Late Quaternary. However, when early Native Americans were in more diverse environments such as alluvial valleys and foothill/mountain environments, a higher diversity of fauna were used. Although large game continued to be of importance in these environments, other species were also hunted when available.

The empirical evidence overwhelmingly argues that early Native Americans relied on a broad, general subsistence pattern during the Paleoindian period. This overall subsistence pattern continued as other components of these early Native American lifeway patterns evolved into the Archaic period (8,000-1,000 years before present) and as subsequent generations built upon their ancestors traditions.



http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/viewArticle.asp?articleID=37513
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« Reply #68 on: June 01, 2009, 04:26:11 pm »



Assembly of First Nations Chief Phil Fontaine,right,
wearing headdress, watches as Canadian Prime
Minister Stephen Harper, left, officially apologizes
to native Canadians who were taken from their
families and forced to attend state-funded schools
aimed at assimilating them, at a ceremony in the

House of Commons on Parliament Hill
in Ottawa,
Wednesday, June 11, 2008.

(AP Photo/The Canadian Press,
Tom Hanson)










                                         Prime Minister Apologizes To Native Canadians





By ROB GILLIES,
Associated Press Writer
June 11, 2008
 
OTTAWA - In a historic speech, Prime Minister Stephen Harper apologized Wednesday to Canada's native peoples for the longtime government policy of forcing their children to attend state-funded schools aimed at assimilating them.
 
The treatment of children at the schools where they were often physically and sexually abused was a sad chapter in the country's history, he said from the House of Commons in an address carried live across Canada.

"Today, we recognize that this policy of assimilation was wrong, has caused great harm and has no place in our country," he said, as 11 aboriginal leaders looked on just feet away.

Indians packed into the public galleries and gathered on the lawn of Parliament Hill.

From the 19th century until the 1970s, more than 150,000 Indian children were required to attend state-funded Christian schools as part of a program to assimilate them into Canadian society.

Hundreds of former students witnessed what native leaders call a pivotal moment for Canada's more than 1 million Indians, who remain the country's poorest and most disadvantaged group. There are more than 80,000 surviving students.

"The government of Canada now recognizes that it was wrong to forcibly remove children from their homes and we apologize," Harper said.

"We now recognize that it was wrong to separate children from rich and vibrant cultures and traditions, and that it created a void in many lives and communities and we apologize," Harper said.

Harper also apologized for failing to prevent the children from being physically and sexually abused at the schools.

Phil Fontaine, the national chief of the Assembly of First Nations and one of the leaders seated near Harper, wore a traditional native headdress and was allowed to speak from the floor after opposition parties demanded it.

"Finally, we heard Canada say it is sorry," Fontaine said.

"Never again will this House consider us an Indian problem for just being who we are," Fontaine said. "We heard the government of Canada take full responsibility."

He said the apology will go a long way toward repairing the relationship between aboriginals and the rest of Canada.

The federal government admitted 10 years ago that physical and sexual abuse in the schools was rampant. Many students recall being beaten for speaking their native languages and losing touch with their parents and customs.

That legacy of abuse and isolation has been cited by Indian leaders as the root cause of epidemic rates of alcoholism and drug addiction on reservations.

Fontaine was one of the first to go public with his past experiences of physical and sexual abuse.

The apology comes months after Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd made a similar gesture to the so-called Stolen Generations — thousands of Aborigines forcibly taken from their families as children under assimilation policies that lasted from 1910 to 1970.

But Canada has gone a step farther, offering those who were taken from their families compensation for the years they attended the residential schools. The offer was part of a lawsuit settlement.

A truth and reconciliation commission will also examine government policy and take testimony from survivors. The goal is to give survivors a forum to tell their stories and educate Canadians about a grim period in the country's history.

___


VIDEO:


http://cosmos.bcst.yahoo.com/up/player/popup/?rn=3906861&cl=8280064&ch=4226714&src=news
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« Reply #69 on: June 01, 2009, 04:28:54 pm »

,
« Last Edit: June 01, 2009, 05:01:57 pm by Bianca » Report Spam   Logged

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« Reply #70 on: June 01, 2009, 04:30:20 pm »









                                Ancient Dirty Pottery May Hold Key To Iroquoian Origin






ScienceDaily
(Apr. 18, 2000) —
Philadelphia, Pa. --

The last thing most people want is food-encrusted pots, but to one Penn State archaeologist, burned-on, crusty old food may be a key to determining the origins of the Iroquois.

"Before 1000 years ago in central New York, people were highly mobile hunter gathers who moved seasonally and lived in round shaped wigwams," says Janet Schulenberg, Ph.D. candidate in anthropology. "About 1000 years ago, people became more sedentary, staying in the same place for up to 25 years, farming corn, hunting and gathering."

The multifamily long house that is the classic identifier of Iroquois-ness came into use at this time."We know that the switch from mobile to sedentary happened, but we do not know if it happened over 200 years, or over two years," says Schulenberg.

"The Iroquois have been studied since 1680, but, we do not know why they changed house styles or adopted corn," she told attendees today (April 7) at the annual meeting of the Society of American Archaeology in Philadelphia.

The model commonly accepted for the past 500 years is that hunter and gatherers in the area, called the Point Peninsula culture, simply became the Iroquois. Development in place could have occurred when they adopted corn agriculture and of necessity needed to be sedentary to tend the crops. Or, they could have become more sedentary and then adopted corn agriculture.

The third option is that the Iroquois are a separate group who came from somewhere else.

"Corn is not native to New York, so the key to the origin of the Iroquois lies in when corn was adopted," says Schulenberg. "Were the people sedentary before corn or afterwards?"

The Penn State researcher is testing food residue on pots from around 1000 years ago to see if corn is present. Because corn is not native to the Northeast and is more like tropical grasses and sugar cane than other local edible plants, comparison of the stable carbon isotopes in the residue can show whether corn was present.

To test if corn could be identified on ancient pottery, she first analyzed potsherds from Pennsylvania. Three potsherds were from 200 A.D., well before corn was available in the region and six were from groups historically known to use corn.

"The method worked and correctly showed no corn on the early pots and corn on the historic pots," says Schulenberg. ?

To answer the Iroquois question, however, the researcher had to find pots that contained residue. "Most potsherds are in museums and were thoroughly washed when brought into the collection," says Schulenberg. "Washed pottery may contain residue, but currently only destructive methods can extract that residue."

Luckily, Schulenberg found a private collector who collected pottery from the same site for nearly 60 years and had never cleaned the pottery or placed it in plastic bags, which degrade organic material.

"The pottery sherds are spectacularly dirty," she notes.

Results from this pottery indicate that, while according to the pottery types found there the site was seasonally occupied by both Point Peninsula and early Iroquois, no corn was evident on any of the pottery.

"Corn may not be present on the Iroquoian pottery because they only occupied the site seasonally," says Schulenberg, who is a Weiss Graduate Scholar in anthropology. "But it does suggest that corn may not have contributed significantly to early Iroquoian life."

While Schulenberg's results are not yet conclusive, she does note that stable carbon isotope studies do work and should be used more to determine when corn was adopted.



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------



Adapted from materials provided by Penn State.
Need to cite this story in your essay, paper, or report? Use one of the following formats:
 APA

 MLA Penn State (2000, April 18). Ancient Dirty Pottery May Hold Key To Iroquoian Origin. ScienceDaily. Retrieved November 7, 2008, from



http://www.sciencedaily.com­ /releases/2000/04/000417100121.htm
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« Reply #71 on: June 01, 2009, 04:32:35 pm »

Teutonic Knight
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Posts: 57



    Early engraving of English meeting aboriginals traced to N.L.
« on: November 20, 2008, 02:50:42 am » Quote 

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Early engraving of English meeting aboriginals traced to N.L.


Randy Boswell ,  Canwest News Service
Published: Tuesday, November 18, 2008
A famous 17th-century illustration showing English explorers meeting New World natives on the Atlantic shore - identified for decades by American scholars as an early depiction of contact-era New England - has been reclaimed as a piece of this country's history after a sleuthing Canadian researcher traced the origins of the image to a well-documented 1612 encounter in Newfoundland.

The 380-year-old engraving shows two members of an English exploration party - their ship anchored in a quiet bay in the background - trading goods on a beach with a group of feather-dressed aboriginals who had arrived by canoe.

The illustration - first published in 1628 - has for years been described by U.S. historians as a sketch based on a 1602 encounter in Massachusetts involving Bartholomew Gosnold, the English adventurer who later founded Virginia's landmark Jamestown colony in 1607.
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« Reply #72 on: June 01, 2009, 04:34:16 pm »






John Guy's party meet a group
of Beothuk at Bull Arm,

Trinity Bay Newfoundland.
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« Reply #73 on: June 01, 2009, 04:36:42 pm »

Teutonic Knight
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    Re: Early engraving of English meeting aboriginals traced to N.L.
« Reply #2 on: November 20, 2008, 02:52:39 am » Quote 

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Gosnold's key role at the dawn of American history gained renewed attention recently ahead of Jamestown's 400th anniversary when archeologists discovered a colonial-era grave that they believe holds Gosnold's remains.

But Newfoundland history expert Bill Gilbert, who travelled to Virginia for the 2007 anniversary celebrations, noticed that several Jamestown history centres were using the 1628 engraving to illustrate Gosnold's exploration activities in the future United States.

Having seen the same image used in illustrations of early Newfoundland history, Gilbert began researching the provenance of the engraving, eventually discovering that the scene was created in 1628 by German engraver Matthaus Merian for a set of volumes recounting recent European voyages of discovery in North America.

Now Gilbert has published a study in the British journal Post-Medieval Archaeology detailing the numerous clues that definitively link the image to a notable moment from Canada's past: a Nov. 6, 1612 encounter at a site along Newfoundland's Trinity Bay between two sailors serving John Guy - the Bristol merchant who established this country's first English colony at Cupid's, Nfld., in 1610 - and the island's original Beothuk Indian inhabitants.

"It's so obvious," Gilbert told Canwest News Service on Tuesday, explaining how the image is clearly based on 17th-century accounts of the Guy-led colonization of Newfoundland. "I wanted to reclaim this image for Canadian history."

Having established the Cupids settlement on Conception Bay in 1610, Guy sailed north into Trinity Bay two years later on an exploration voyage. Guy's journals from the time describe how two of his men - a "Master Whittington" and Francis Tipton - were first to approach the natives, who greeted the Englishmen with gifts.

"The image incorporates so many details found in Guy's narrative" - but not in accounts of Gosnold's voyages - "that anyone familiar with both would have no problem telling the difference," writes Gilbert. "Guy tells us that the party they encountered consisted of two canoes with four Indians in each, just as depicted in the image. Guy also says that the Indians approached them waving a white wolf skin on a pole, 'which we tooke to be for a parley'; the engraving shows the Indians waving a white skin on a pole."

Gilbert also quotes accounts of how the native people presented the visitors with "a chaine of leather full of small perwincle shells, a splitting knife and a feather that stucke in his hair." All of these details are captured in the 1628 engraving.

"It's a wonderful image," said Gilbert, adding that establishing the illustration's Canadian origins is particularly important as Newfoundland prepares to mark the 400th anniversary of Guy's founding of the Cupids colony.




© Canwest News Service 2008
 
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« Reply #74 on: June 01, 2009, 04:38:35 pm »

Sir Walter Raleigh's Indian Interpreters, 1584–1618






Alden T. Vaughan




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SEVERAL Native Americans who journeyed to England during the colonial era have enjoyed scholarly and even popular attention: Manteo, the Roanoke colonists' interpreter-guide; Squanto, the Pilgrims' "spetiall instrument"; Pocahontas, the Virginia colony's fabled and often fictionalized Powhatan princess; and several well-publicized eighteenth-century diplomatic delegates to London, including Tomochichi of the Yamacraws and Thayendanegea (Joseph Brant) of the Mohawks. 1 Almost entirely overlooked are many other Indian voyagers to the east, including those from North and South America who crossed the Atlantic between 1584 and 1618 under the direct or indirect aegis of Sir Walter Raleigh. During those thirty-five years, perhaps twenty American natives under his sponsorship were in England to receive instruction in the English language and to impart knowledge useful for colonial enterprises. Most of Raleigh's Indian recruits sooner or later returned to their homelands, where many played key roles in England's early overseas ventures.

     Because the historical records of late Tudor-early Stuart England are woefully incomplete, sometimes confusing, and occasionally contradictory, no precise enumeration of the Indians under Raleigh's nominal control who traveled to England is possible. A tentative roster includes six or more from Roanoke Island and the lower Chesapeake Bay between 1584 and 1603, of whom only Manteo has received much attention. The stories of twelve or more natives of Guiana and Trinidad who made the journey between 1594 and 1618 are barely known, although these diverse and generally long-lived travelers must have been more visible and notable in England than many of the Indians who attract greater historical attention. At least three of the South American natives were from ruling families; one returned home to assume the tribe's leadership at his father's death. Several had extensive stays in London--the longest for fourteen years--often lodging in Ralegh's mansion on the Thames. After returning to their homelands, several English-trained Indians provided crucial aid to later expeditions into Guiana, sometimes saving Englishmen, including Raleigh, from almost certain death. After his incarceration in 1603, two or more Guiana natives attended Raleigh in the Tower of London. The last of the Guianans he took to England witnessed his beheading. By the time King James contrived Raleigh's execution, that swashbuckling knight--far better known to posterity for battling Irishmen and Spaniards than for educating and employing Indians--had initiated and fostered the practice of transporting American natives to England, training them to speak English, introducing them to Anglican Christianity, assuring their return to America, and reaping tangible benefits from their support of England's imperial ventures.

     Language, Raleigh seems to have recognized from the outset, was an essential instrument of empire. Without communication between his explorers and colonists, on the one hand, and the natives of Roanoke and Guiana, on the other, viable English outposts would be difficult, perhaps impossible, to maintain, as would be effective exploration and exploitation of native territory. Ralegh and his linguistically talented friend Thomas Hariot accordingly implemented indoctrination in English speech and customs gentle enough for most of his interpreter-guides to develop lasting loyalty to Sir Walter and his nation. Roanoke native Wanchese excepted, they were not Calibans whose profit from language instruction was knowing how to curse or whose maltreatment inspired rebellion; rather, in both Carolina and Guiana, Raleigh's Indians appear to have been conscientious translators and staunch allies to his own and his agents' subsequent expeditions. Even if, like most adult learners of a second language, his repatriated Indians' facility in English often faded in the absence of opportunities to speak it, they frequently aided the monolingual explorers who later visited their lands. Ralegh and Hariot were proficient schoolmasters.



WILLIAM AND MARY QUARTERLY

http://www.historycooperative.org/cgi-bin/justtop.cgi?act=justtop&url=http://www.historycooperative.org/journals/wm/59.2/vaughan.html
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