Notes for Chapter Three
1. He is mentioned frequently between these dates in the documents published by Albon, Cartulaire; see also Cartulaires des Templiers de Douzens, ed. P. Gérard and E. Magnou (Collection de documents inédits sur l'histoire de France, série in-8o, vol. iii, Paris, 1965).
2. Arnold of Bedocio is last mentioned in 1139: Albon, Cartulaire, pp. 139-40, doc. 199. It is stated in the introduction to Cartulaire de Ia commanderie de Richerenches de I'Ordre du Temple (1136-1214), ed. Marquis de Ripert-Monclar (Avignon, 1907), pp. cliv, clviii, that from 1136 to 1138 Arnold of Bedocio was in charge of the Templar establishment at Richerenches, north of Orange; but his authority was not limited to this area: see Albon, Cartulaire, p. 88, doc. 127; pp. 92-3, docs. 132, 133, etc. Leonard, Introduction, pp. 23, 40, states that Arnold at this time both held office at Richerenches and had authority over a wider area.
3. Albon, Cartulaire, p. 74, doc. 102; pp. 75-6, doc. 105; pp. 76-7, doc. 107; pp. 77-8, doc. 108, etc.
4. On the organization of convents, see cap. VII.
5. The earliest known Hospitaller province was in existence by about 1120: Riley-Smith, Knights of St. John, p. 353.
6. Cf. G. Le Bras, Institutions ecclésiastiques de la chrétienté médiévale (Histoire de l'Église depuis les origines jusqu'à nosjours, vol. xii, Paris, 1964), pp. 490-1.
7. In 1291, for example, in a letter to the pope, the French clergy argued that the Order should keep only a few Templars in the West and should concentrate its manpower in the East: Bartholomew Cotton, Historia Anglicana, ed. H.R. Luard (London, 1859), p. 213.
8. In some cases it can be shown that the most rapid growth of Templar property occurred in a district during the years following the establishment of a convent there.
9. Albon, Cartulaire, pp. 204-5, doc. 314; CDI, iv. 93-9, doc. 43. The word 'Provence' was not used in a precise sense; see J.A. Durbec, 'Les Templiers en Provence. Formation des commanderies et repartition géographique de leurs biens', Provence historique, ix (1959), 3.
10. See below, p. 107, note 75.
11. AHN, Montesa, P. 18.
12. AHN, cód. 689, pp. 96-7, doc. 103.
13. The Aragonese province of the Dominican Order created at the beginning of the fourteenth century covered the same territories: F. Diago, Historia de Ia provincia de Aragón de Ia Orden de Predicadores (Barcelona, 1599), fols. 2-3.
14. ACA, CRD Templarios, nos. 169, 278. The commander of Caravaca in Murcia is mentioned in a number of Catalan documents at the beginning of the fourteenth century: e.g. AGP, parch. Gardeny, nos. 231-6, 383-5, 2249, 2250.
15. Those in Navarre were at Ribaforada and Aberín. The most complete list of communities directly subject to the Aragonese provincial master is found in ACA, CRD Templarios, no. 81; see below, p. 415.
16. In 1250 reference was made to the 'convent' of the Holy Redeemer at Teruel, although this establishment was subject to Villel: AHN, cod. 466, pp. 361-2, doc. 438; but this is an isolated exception.
17. See below, p. 318.
18. There is a reference to a Templar house built at Mas-Deu as early as 1138: Albon, Cartulaire, p. 119, doc. 171.
19. Ibid., pp. 140-1, doc. 202.
20. ACA, parch. Raymond Berenguer IV, no. 132.
21. Albon, Cartulaire, p. 122, doc. 177; Lacarra, 'Documentos', no. 342 (v. 564-5).
22. Albon, Cartulaire, pp. 242-3, doc. 384; Lacarra, 'Documentos', no. 350 (v. 571-2).
23. Albon, Cartulaire, p. 279, doc. 447.
24. Ibid., p. 235, doc. 367.
25. Ibid., p. 248, doc. 395.
26. J.L. de Moncada, Episcopologio de Vich, i (Vich, 1891), 437-8. The document in question (Episcopal Archive of Vich, armario del derecho de diversas iglesias, no. 13) was destroyed during the Spanish Civil War. I am grateful to the Revd. M.S. Gros i Pujol for providing me with this information.
27. ACA, parch. Alfonso II, no. 578; parch. Peter II, no. 169.
28. AHN, cod. 499, p. 19, doc. 33. In 1146 the provincial master was said to be holding Monzón, but this refers merely to rights of lordship: Albon, Cartulaire, p. 246, doc. 390.
29. AHN, cód. 499, p. 19, doc. 33.
30. Lacarra, 'Documentos', no. 377 (v. 593-4).
31. Albon, Cartulaire, p. 308, doc. 499.
32. Miret y Sans, Les Cases, p. 66.
33. One section of the Cartulary of Gardeny in the AGP, beginning on fol. 54, consists of documents concerning Corbins. There was, however, a convent again at Corbins in the thirteenth century.
34. AGP, parch. Gardeny, no. 537.
35. AGP, parch. Corbins, no. 122.
36. AGP, Cartulary of Gardeny, fol. 24, doc. 35; fols. 33v-34, docs. 63, 65; fol. 41v, doc. 88; parch. Gardeny, no. i. Albon, Cartulaire, p. 63, doc. 82, assigns to the year 1134 a will which includes the clause 'I leave my body to the militia of Gardeny'; but the French king by whose regnal year the document is dated must be Louis VII, not Louis VI. The will belongs to the year 1163.
A convent may also for a time have been established at the castle of Remolins, which had been given to the Order in 1143. In 1162 it appears still to have been under the authority of Gardeny since a record of a dispute in that year about rights there was made by the chaplain of Gardeny; and this document was later copied into the Cartulary of Gardeny (fol. 24v, doc. 37). The commander of Remolins mentioned in 1181 was probably therefore a subordinate of the tander of Gardeny. But in 1271 reference was made to land held of the commander and brothers of the house of Remolins, and six years later the commander and brothers there were involved in a dispute concerning land: AGP, parch. Gardeny, no. 1960; parch. Espluga de Francolí, no. 183. Yet if was a convent at Remolins at this time, it was not maintained. At the beginning of the fourteenth century Remolins, together with Torres de Segre, was under the control of the commander of Miravet, who established a subordinate commander at Torres: AGP, parch. Torres de Segre, nos. 51, 58, 62.
37. AGP, Cartulary of Tortosa, fol. 26, doc. 77; S.A. García Larragueta, 'Fueros y cartas pueblas navarro-aragonesas otorgadas por Templarios y Hospitalarios', AHDE, xxiv (1954), 592-3; Font Rius, Cartas de población, i. 285-6, doc. 208.
38. AGP, Cartulary of Tortosa, fol. 30v, doc. 93. In the same year land was given in an exchange to Aymeric and the brothers 'who are with you in Tortosa': ibid., fol. 67v, doc. 217. Miret y Sans, Les Cases, p. 82, quotes a document from the Cartulary of Tortosa (fol. 50v, doc. 153) which records that William Berard, master and commander of Miravet and Tortosa, bought a vineyard in 1153 from Geralda, widow of Peter of Toulouse. But Peter of Toulouse was still alive in 1170 (ibid., fol. 34v, doc. 110), and William Berard held office from 1165 to 1174. Possibly the date of the document should be 1173.
39. Sancho of Vergea was called procurator of the house of Tortosa: ibid., fol. 60, doc. 185.
40. Iñigo Sánchez was called gubernator, procurator, and ministrator: AGP, Cartulary of Tortosa, fol. 33v, doc. 104; fol. 61-61v, docs. 191-3.
41. The first official who was clearly commander only of Miravet was R. Bernard in 1190. Dalmau of Godeto was given the title of commander of Miravet between 1178 and 1181: ibid., fol. 37v, doc. 218; fols. 67v-68, doc. 218; but he was probably commander of Miravet and Tortosa for he intervened in matters concerning Tortosa and no other commander of Miravet and Tortosa is known during this period.
42. Ibid., fol. 94v, doc. 295.
43. Dalmau of Godeto is called commander of La Ribera in a document bearing the date 1187: AHN, San Juan, leg. 529, doc. 1; but the titles of the other Templars mentioned show that the date is inaccurate, as does the reference in the document to another charter which was not drawn up until 1190: ACA, parch. Alfonso II, no. 561. In 1187 Bertrand of Conques was commander of Miravet and Tortosa.
44. AGP, parch. Comuns, no. 114.
45. AGP, Cartulary of Tortosa, fols. 41v-42, doc. 132. The document is undated, but it was issued by bishop Pons of Tortosa, who died in July 1193.
46. AHN, San Juan, leg. 351, doc 1.
47. The last reference to it is in ACA, parch. James I, no. 422.
48. RAH, 12-6-1/M-83, doc. 14.
49. It was assessed with Ascó for the purposes of royal taxation: ACA, reg. 68, fol. 25v.
50. ACA, parch. Peter III. no. 26; CRD Templarios, no. 81; see below, p. 415.
51. AHN, cód. 689, p. 83, doc. 86.
52. Ibid., pp. 61-2, doc. 60. The commander and three brothers are named; 'others', in the plural, are not.
53. There is no reference to a convent there before 1244: ibid., p. 79, doc. 80.
54. AHN, cód. 466, p. 205, doc. 177.
55. RAH, 12-6-1/M-83, doc. 14.
56. M. Albareda y Herrera, El fuero de Alfambra (Madrid, 1925), pp. 39-41.
57. AGP, parch. Comuns, no. 197. Bertrand of Arlet was then head of the convent. He is also mentioned -- without a title -- in a slightly earlier document belonging to the same month: J. Miralles Sbert, Catálogo del Archivo Capitular de Mallorca, ii (Palma, 1942), 341, no. 7723.
58. AHN, Montesa, P. 18.
59. AHN, Montesa, P. 14.
60. AHN, Montesa, P. 73, 85.
61. For the convent at Burriana, see AHN, Montesa, P. 249, 251, etc.
62. ACA, parch. Peter III, no. 26.
63. AGP, parch. Cervera, no. 232; ACA, parch. Alfonso II, no. 333.
64. ACA, parch. Alfonso II, no. 451; published by M. de Riquer, 'El testamento del trovador Guilhem de Berguedán', Mélanges de linguistique et de littérature romanes à la mémoire d'Istvan Frank (Annales Universitatis Saraviensis, vol. vi, 1957), pp. 581-3. Riquer, ibid., p. 576, explains the presence of the commander of Palau by the fact that the troubadour held a few rights in villages near Palau; but these were of only minor importance. It seems more likely that he was present because the castle of Puigreig was to come under his authority.
65. Albon, Cartulaire, p. 333, doc. 543.
66. AHN, cód. 470, p. 10, doc. 11.
67. AHN, cód. 469, pp. 354-5, doc. 300.
68. AHN, cód. 468, p. 460, doc. 439.
69. In a document drawn up in 1172 William of Bais, who had been master, was placed at the head of a list of Templars at Novillas, but was assigned no title: AHN, cód. 691, fol. 121v.
70. AHN, cód. 499, p. 17, doc. 26; p. 54, doc. 130; A. Bonilla y San Martín, 'El derecho aragonés en el siglo XII', II Congreso de historia de la Corona de Aragón, i (Huesca, 1920), 236-7, doc. 3.
71. Ibid. The first occasion when there is a specific reference to a convent at any of these places is at Huesca in 1176: AHN, cód. 499, pp. 7-8, doc. 11.
72. AHN, cód. 468, p. 150, doc. 134.
73. AHN, San Juan, leg. 38, doc. 19; cód. 468, p. 154, doc. 137.
74. AHN, San Juan, leg. 38, doc. 19; cód. 470, p. 10, doc. 12. In 1184 the house of Boquiñeni was taken under royal protection: cód. 467, p. 129, doc. 146.
75. RAH, 12-6-1/M-83, doc. 52. The convents of Aberín and Ribaforada in Navarre were similarly established on lands formerly subject to Novillas. But the convent of Novillas seems to have lost rights in Navarre not only in this way but also as a result of the cession of the more southerly parts of Navarre to Castile in 1179 -- see the maps published by A. Ubieto Arteta as an appendix to his article 'Las fronteras de Navarra', Principe de Viana, xiv (1953) -- for this apparently led to the transference of Templar rights in these districts, including Aleanadre, to the Castilian province. At the time of the arrest of the Templars Alcanadre was certainly in that province, and as in the thirteenth century the house at Alcanadre is never mentioned in the records of the Aragonese province, the transfer seems to have followed the political changes of 1179. By that date apparently no convents had been established in these southerly parts of Navarre. Although there is a reference to a Templar house at Alcanadre in 1175 (AHN, San Juan, leg. 718, doc. 6), the two Templars who held office as commander of Alcanadre in that year can both be traced at other times at Novillas and were probably merely bailiffs appointed by the head of Novillas.
The only other indication of Templar organization in these areas before 1179 occurs in a document in a cartulary of the monastery of Fitero, recording an agreement between the abbot and the Templar provincial master in 1173: M. Arigita, Colección de documentos inéditos para la historia de Navarra (Pamplona, 1909), p. 109. This charter makes reference to the 'brothers of the Temple of Solomon of Carbonera', but gives no indication of the character of the Templar establishment there.
76. Bonilla y San Martín, loc. cit., pp. 244-5, doc. 8; AHN, cód. 468, p. 516, doc. 502; San Juan, leg. 285, docs. 2, 3.
77. Bonilla y San Martín, loc. cit., pp. 255-6, doc. 19.
78. Ibid., p. 266, doc. 30.
79. AHN, San Juan, leg. 529, doc. 8; cód. 467, p. 472, docs. 566, 567.
80. AHN, San Juan, leg. 529, doc. 8.
81. AHN, cód. 467, p. 473, doc. 569.
82. Ibid., p. 432, doc. 405.
83. Ibid., p. 368, doc. 459; cód. 468, p. 521, doc. 530.
84. AHN, cód. 467, pp. 369-70, doc. 462.
85. Ibid., p. 378, docs. 474, 475.
86. ACA, parch. Peter III, no. 26.
87. ACA, parch. Alfonso II, no. 170 (the name of the commander mentioned in this document, which is dated 6 Kalends of March in the year of the Incarnation 1174, suggests that it was drawn up in 1174 and not 1175).
88. ACA, CRD Templarios, no. 81; see below, p. 415.
89. Miret y Sans, Les Cases, p. 174; cf. Font Rius, Cartas de población, i. 168-9, doc. 115.
90. The document in which he is mentioned is dated March 1199, and could thus belong to either 1199 or 1200: Cartulari de Poblet (Barcelona, 1938), p. 166, doc. 274.
91. AGP, parch. Vilafranca, no. 601. A. Alegret, 'Los Templarios en Tarragona', Boletín arqueológico, xvii (1905), 496-516, argues that the Templars built the church of St. Mary in Tarragona and had an establishment next to it. This argument is based on tradition and on the architectural style of the church. That there was no architectural style peculiar to the Templars has been shown by E. Lainbert, L'Architecture des Templiers (Paris, 1955); and that the Templars had no establishment in Tarragona is apparent from the fact that they retained a right of hospitality in some houses there: ACA, parch. James I, no. 2273.
92. Miret y Sans, Les Cases, p. 172; AGP, parch. Aiguaviva, no. 3.
93. Miret y Sans, Les Cases, pp. 173-4. The document recording this sale has been published by F. Monsalvatge y Fossas, Los condes de Ampurias vindicados (Noticias históricas, vol. xxv, Olot, 1917), pp. 337-8.
94. Huici, Colección diplomática, i. 10-11, doc. 3.
95. ACA, CRD Templarios, no. 81; see below, p. 415.
96. Monsalvatge y Fossas, op. cit., pp. 102, 107.
97. ES, xliv. 265-6, Appendix 4. On the Hospitaller house at San Lorenzo de las Arenas, see Miret y Sans, Les Cases, p. 197.
98. AGP, Cartulary of Tortosa, fol. 38v, doc. 122.
99. For the titles used, see Appendix II.
100. ACA, parch. James I, no. 1137.
101. ACA, parch. Peter III, nos. 460, 465.
102. AGP, Cartulary of Gardeny, fol. 63-63v, doc. 154.
103. Ibid., fol. 66v, doc. 162.
104. RAH, 12-6-1/M-83, doc. 110.
105. e.g. ACA, parch. Peter III, no. 292.
106. The change occurred between 2 April and 26 May: ACA, parch. Peter III, nos. 294, 301. Later in the same year Romeo of Burguet, as commander of Barcelona, granted out land at Sta. Perpetua: parch. Peter III, 1105. 324-30.
107. J. Miret y Sans, 'Inventaris des les cases del Temple de la Corona d'Aragó en 1289', BRABLB, vi (1911), 65.
108. At the end of the thirteenth and beginning of the fourteenth century the commander of Chivert was merely a subordinate of the head of the house at Peñíscola: ACA, parch. James I, no. 2180; CRD James II, nos. 1737, 1747.
109. In the later thirteenth century Miravet appears to have been the chief house in the province (see below, p. 316), and presumably therefore incurred additional expenses, and this could explain why Torres de Segre was made subject to it.
110. Miret y Sans, Les Cases, pp. 399-400. In 1309 Templar revenues from Ascó and Ribarroja were farmed out for 10,000s.J. per annum, while those of Peñíscola were farmed for 13,000s. in one year and 10,000s. in another: ACA, reg. 291, fol. 187; Finke, Papsttum, ii. 228-9, doc. 124.
111. ACA, parch. Peter III, no. 26. Some of these revenues may have been used to buy property at Boquiñeni, for a series of small purchases of land was made there between 1260 and 1280; and these acquisitions may represent an attempt to put the convent on a sounder economic footing.
112. These houses had, however, recently been deprived of the patronage of certain churches: Miret y Sans, Les Cases, pp. 399-400.
