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The Seven Tablets of Creation

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Author Topic: The Seven Tablets of Creation  (Read 1445 times)
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« Reply #90 on: September 08, 2009, 01:34:46 pm »

LXXXII:4 See above, p. xxxix.

LXXXIII:1 See below, p. 196 f.

LXXXIII:2 According to Babylonian belief the upper waters of Tiamat formed the heavenly ocean above the covering of heaven; but it is not clear what became of her lower waters. It is possible that they were vaguely identified with those of Apsû, and were believed to mingle with his around and beneath the earth. It may be suggested, however, that perhaps all or part of them were identified with Hubur, the River of the Underworld which was believed to exist in the depths of the earth (cf. Jensen, Mythen, p. 307). The fact that Tiamat bore the title Ummu-Hubur, "the Mother Hubur," may be cited in support of this suggestion, as well as the occurrence upon S. 2,013 (cf. p. 197) of the phrases shamê(e) ru-ku-u-ti and Hu-bur pal-ka-ti, corresponding to Ti-amat e-Zi-ti and Ti-amat shap-li-ti respectively; see also p. xlvi, note.

LXXXIV:1 See above, p. 1.

LXXXIV:2 See below, p. 109.

LXXXIV:3 See below, p. 101.

LXXXIV:4 See below, p. 103.

LXXXV:1 See above, p. 1, and below, p. 93.

LXXXV:2 See below, pp. 78 ff.

LXXXV:3 See below, p. 95.

LXXXV:4 See below, p. 109.

LXXXVI:1 See above, p. lix.

LXXXVI:2 See above, p. lix, n. 1, and below, p. 198.

LXXXVI:3 See below, p. 122 f.

LXXXVII:1 The portion of the text on which this reference to the creation of beasts is inscribed forms an introduction to what is probably an incantation, and may be compared to the Creation legend of Marduk and Aruru which is employed as an introduction to an incantation to be recited in honour of the temple E-zida (see below, p. 130 f., n. 1). The account given of the creation of the beasts is merely incidental, and is introduced to indicate the period of the creation by Nin-igi-azag of two small creatures, one white and one black, which were probably again referred to in the following section of the text.

LXXXVII:2 See below, pp. 86 ff.

LXXXVII:3 See above, pp. liv ff.

LXXXVII:4 See also below, p. xciii. It may be also noted that, according to Babylonian belief, the great gods (cf. the plural of Elohim) were always pictured in human form.

LXXXVIII:1 See above, p. lviii.

LXXXVIII:2 See above, p. liii f., and below, p. 85, note 3, and p. 88 f., notes 1 and 3.

LXXXIX:1 See especially, ll. 7 f., 9 ff., 15 ff., 23, and 27 f.

LXXXIX:2 L. 31 f., which read, "May his (i.e. Marduk's) deeds endure, may they never be forgotten in the mouth of mankind whom his hands have made!"

LXXXIX:3 See below, p. 100 f.

LXXXIX:4 See below, p. 87; the account of Berossus is in favour of this restoration.

XC:1 The new parallel to Gen. ii, 23, furnished by l. 5 of the Sixth Tablet, is referred to below, p. xciv.

XC:2 See below, p. 60 f.

XCI:1 There is, however, a parallel between the Seventh Day on p. XCII which Elohim rested from all His work, and the Seventh Tablet which records the hymns of praise sung by the gods to Marduk after his work of creation was ended.

XCII:1 See my Babylonian Religion and Mythology, pp. 138 ff. The fact that the Jews of the Exile were probably familiar with the later forms of Babylonian legends explains some of the close resemblances in detail between the Babylonian and Hebrew versions of the same story. But this is in perfect accordance with the borrowing of that very story by the Hebrews many centuries before; indeed, to the previous existence of ancient Hebrew versions of Babylonian legends may be traced much of the impetus given to the revival of mythology among the exiled Jews.

XCIII:1 See below, pp. 130 ff.

XCIII:2 See above, p. lxx, n. 1.

XCIII:3 See above, p. lvii, n. 1.

XCIV:1 See below, p. 128 f.

XCIV:2 With the Babylonian River of Creation, suggested by the Euphrates, we may compare the Egyptian beliefs concerning Hâp or Hâpi, the god of the Nile, who became identified with most of the great primeval Creation gods and was declared to be the Creator of all things. Considering the importance of the Nile for Egypt, it is easy to understand how he came to attain this position. Brugsch sums up his account of this deity in the words: "So ist der Nilgott im letzten Grunde der geheimnissvolle Urheber aller Wohlthaten, welche die von ihm befruchtete ägyptische Erde den Göttern und Menschen zu bieten vermag, er ist 'der starke Schopfer von allem'"; see Religion und Mythologie der alten Aegypter, p. 641.

XCIV:3 It is possible that this River, though suggested by the p. XCV Euphrates, is to be identified with Hubur, the River of the Underworld, to whom an incantation in the terms of the one under discussion might well have been addressed. A connection between Tiamat and the river Hubur has been suggested above (cf. p. lxxxiii, n. 2), and, should this prove to be correct, we might see in the phrase banat(at) ka-la-ma, applied to the River, a parallel to pa-ti-ka-at ka-la-ma, the description of Ummu-Hubur (Tiamat) in Tablet I, l. 113 and the parallel passages.

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« Reply #91 on: September 08, 2009, 01:35:04 pm »

XCV:1 The connection which Gunkel and Zimmern would trace between the River of Paradise and the River of Water of Life in the Apocalypse on the one side and the "water of life," mentioned in the legend of Adapa, on the other, cannot be regarded as proved. The resemblance in the expressions may well be fortuitous, since there are few other points of resemblance between the narratives in which the expressions occur.

XCV:2 On these subjects, see my Bab. Rel. and Myth., pp. 108 ff.

XCV:3 See above, pp. lxxv and lxxix.

CX:1 I learn from Professor Zimmern that he also has identified this fragment as part of the Seventh Tablet by its correspondence with the commentary K. 4,406, published in II R, pl. 31 (see below, p. cxviii).

CXI:1 That the copies were not always made from Babylonian tablets is proved by the colophon of K. 292 (cf. Cun. Texts, pt. xiii, pl. 6), which states that this copy of the Second Tablet was made from p. CXII an Assyrian archetype (gab-ri mâtu Ashshur KI). Upon some tablets Ashur-bani-pal's label was scratched after the tablet had been baked, e.g., K. 3,567 + K. 8,588 (Cun. Texts, pt. xiii, pl. 22). Other Assyrian copies, though giving the catch-line to the next tablet, are without colophons, e.g., K. 3,473, etc. (cf. Cun. Texts, pt. xiii, pl. 9), and K. 8,526 (cf. Cun. Texts, pt. xiii, pl. 23); the copy of the last tablet, K. 2,854 (see below, p. 159), the reverse of which is blank, was probably also without a colophon.

CXII:1 Cf. No. 40,559 (vol. ii, pl. xxi), a copy of the Second Tablet which was made for a certain Nabû-ahê-iddina; and No. 45,528f 46,614 (vol. ii, pl. vi), a copy of the First Tablet, which is described as the property of Nabû-meshêtik-urri, a worshipper of Marduk and Sarpanitu, and is said to have been copied from an original at Babylon on the ninth day of Iyyar, in the twenty-seventh year of Darius. A certain Nabû-balâtsu-ikbi, the son of Na'id-Marduk, appears to have owned a complete set of the Seven Creation Tablets, for we possess fragments of the First and of the Sixth Tablet in the series which belonged to him (cf. No. 93,015, Cun. Texts, pl. 3, where the first word of the second line of the colophon, which puzzled Delitzsch, is clearly bushû; No. 46,803, vol. ii, pls. ix ff.; and No. 92,629, vol. ii, pl. xxxvii).

CXII:2 Thus the fine copy of the Fourth Tablet, No. 93,016, which was written by the scribe Nabû-bêlishu, was, according to its colophon (cf. Cun. Texts, pt. xiii, pl. 15), deposited by the smith Na'id-Marduk as a votive offering in the temple E-zida. In his transliteration of this colophon Delitzsch has made an odd blunder; he has not recognized the common phrase ana balât napshâti pl -shu, "for the preservation of his life," which occurs at the end of line 3 of the colophon, and has taken it as a proper name p. CXIII m TIN-ZI pl -shu (see Weltschöpfungsepos, p. 41), a transliteration which turns the sentence into nonsense.

CXIII:1 See pls. ii, iii, iv, and vi, and the frontispiece to Vol. II. Photographic reproductions of the reverse of No. 21 and the obverse of No. 29 are given in the Guide to the Babylonian and Assyrian Antiquities in the British Museum, pls. vi and vii.

CXIII:2 Cf. e.g., Nos. 93,015 (No. 2), 46,803 (No. 10), and 92,629 (No. 40), all of which were probably written by the same scribe.

CXIII:3 Cf. the notes duppu I KAN E-nu-ma e-lish on No. 45,528, etc. (vol. ii, pl. vi); duppu E-nu-ma e-lish ri-esh on No. 93,015 (Cun. Texts, pt. xiii, pl. 3); [dupp]u II KAN E-nu-ma e-lish; on K. 292 (Cun. Texts, pt. xiii, pl. 6); duppu IV KAN-MA E-nu-ma e-lish, which follows a note as to the number of lines in the text upon No. 93,016 (Cun. Texts, pt. xiii, pl. 15); and dup-pi V KAM-ME E-nu-ma e-lish on K. 3,567 (Cun. Texts, pt. xiii, pl. 22).

CXIII:4 The "practice-tablets" fall into two classes. In one class the tablets are wholly taken up with portions of the text of the Creation Series, which is written out upon them in sections of five verses separated by horizontal lines; cf. Nos. 82-9-18, p. CXIV 1,403 + 6,361 (No. 22) and 93,051 (No. 32). In the other class short extracts from the text are inscribed upon tablets containing other matter, all of which the pupil has written out for practice; cf. Nos. 36,726 (No. s), 36,688 (No. 9), 82-9-18, 6,950 + 83-1-18, 1,868 (No. 241, and 82-9-18, 5,448 + 83-1-18, 2,116 (No. 27). The second class are the more carelessly written of the two.

CXIV:1 The only apparent exceptions to this rule occur on some of the Neo-Babylonian tablets, in which two lines of the text are occasionally written on one line of the tablet when they are separated from each other by a division-mark. This is simply due to want of space, which necessitated the crowding of the text.

CXV:1 See below, p. cxxii.

CXV:2 See above, pp. lxxii ff.

CXVII:1 See below, pp. 157 ff.

CXVII:2 See above, p. lxxix, n. 1, and below, p. 158.

CXIX:1 The tablet S. 747, which measures 49 in. by 3 1/8 in., is published in Cun. Texts, pt. xiii, p1. 32, and its connection with the text of the Creation Series is described in Appendix I, p. 170 f. The text was given in transliteration by Delitzsch, Weltschöpfungsepos, p. 58f.

CXIX:2 The tablet K. 2,107+K. 6,086, which measures 4 in. by 5½ in., is published in Vol. II, plate lxi f., and a transliteration and a translation of the text are given in Appendix I, pp. 171 ff. Col. ii of the single fragment K. 2, 107 was given in transliteration by Delitzsch, Weltschöpfungsepos, p. 155.

CXXI:1 In the gap in Tablet II, ll. 86-103, may probably be inserted the new fragment K. 10,008; see Appendix II, pp. I 87 ff.

CXXII:1 On Nos. 45,528 + 46,614 (No. 3), 82-9-18, 6,879 (No. 12), 38,396 (No. 14), 42,285 (No. 26), and 93,016 (No. 29); cf. also the "practice-tablets," Nos. 82-9-18, 1,403 + 6,316 (No. 22) and 82-9-18, 5,448 + 83-1-18, 2,116 (No. 27).

CXXII:2 For the first description of the metre of the poem, see Budge, P.S.B.A., vol. vi, p. 7; and for later discussions of the metre of Babylonian poetry in general, see Zimmern's papers in the Zeits. für Assyr., viii, pp. 121 ff., x, pp. 1 ff., xi, pp. 86 ff., and xii, pp. 382 ff.; cf. also D. M. Mueller, Die Propheten in ihrer ursprünglichen Form, i, pp. 5 ff. It may be noted that in addition to the division of the text into couplets, the poem often falls naturally into stanzas of four lines each. That the metre was not very carefully studied by the Neo-Babylonian scribes is proved by the somewhat faulty division of the verses upon some of the tablets on which the metre is indicated, and also by the fact that the pupils of the scribes were allowed, and perhaps told, to write out portions of the poem in sections, not of four, but of five lines each (see above, p. cxiii f., n. 4).

CXXIII:1 Published by Zimmern, Z.A., x, p. 17 f.



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