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Mein Kampf (Complete Text)


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Author Topic: Mein Kampf (Complete Text)  (Read 1337 times)
Aryan Warrior
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« Reply #90 on: July 19, 2008, 01:50:38 am »

This evolution has not yet taken the shape of a conscious intention and
movement to restore the political power and independence of our nation;
but the blame for this must be attributed to those utterly incompetent
people who have no natural endowments to qualify them for statesmanship
and yet have been governing our nation since 1918 and leading it to
ruin.

Yes. If anybody accuses our people to-day he ought to be asked: What is
being done to help them? What are we to say of the poor support which
the people give to any measures introduced by the Government? Is it not
true that such a thing as a Government hardly exists at all? And must we
consider the poor support which it receives as a sign of a lack of
vitality in the nation itself; or is it not rather a proof of the
complete failure of the methods employed in the management of this
valuable trust? What have our Governments done to re-awaken in the
nation a proud spirit of self-assertion, up-standing manliness, and a
spirit of righteous defiance towards its enemies?

In 1919, when the Peace Treaty was imposed on the German nation, there
were grounds for hoping that this instrument of unrestricted oppression
would help to reinforce the outcry for the freedom of Germany. Peace
treaties which make demands that fall like a whip-lash on the people
turn out not infrequently to be the signal of a future revival.

To what purpose could the Treaty of Versailles have been exploited?

In the hands of a willing Government, how could this instrument of
unlimited blackmail and shameful humiliation have been applied for the
purpose of arousing national sentiment to its highest pitch? How could a
well-directed system of propaganda have utilized the sadist cruelty of
that treaty so as to change the indifference of the people to a feeling
of indignation and transform that indignation into a spirit of dauntless
resistance?

Each point of that Treaty could have been engraved on the minds and
hearts of the German people and burned into them until sixty million men
and women would find their souls aflame with a feeling of rage and
shame; and a torrent of fire would burst forth as from a furnace, and
one common will would be forged from it, like a sword of steel. Then the
people would join in the common cry: "To arms again!"

Yes. A treaty of that kind can be used for such a purpose. Its unbounded
oppression and its impudent demands were an excellent propaganda weapon
to arouse the sluggish spirit of the nation and restore its vitality.

Then, from the child's story-book to the last newspaper in the country,
and every theatre and cinema, every pillar where placards are posted and
every free space on the hoardings should be utilized in the service of
this one great mission, until the faint-hearted cry, "Lord, deliver us,"
which our patriotic associations send up to Heaven to-day would be
transformed into an ardent prayer: "Almighty God, bless our arms when
the hour comes. Be just, as Thou hast always been just. Judge now if we
deserve our freedom. Lord, bless our struggle."

All opportunities were neglected and nothing was done.

Who will be surprised now if our people are not such as they should be
or might be? The rest of the world looks upon us only as its valet, or
as a kindly dog that will lick its master's hand after he has been
whipped.

Of course the possibilities of forming alliances with other nations are
hampered by the indifference of our own people, but much more by our
Governments. They have been and are so corrupt that now, after eight
years of indescribable oppression, there exists only a faint desire for
liberty.

In order that our nation may undertake a policy of alliances, it must
restore its prestige among other nations, and it must have an
authoritative Government that is not a drudge in the service of foreign
States and the taskmaster of its own people, but rather the herald of
the national will.

If our people had a government which would look upon this as its
mission, six years would not have passed before a courageous foreign
policy on the part of the REICH would find a corresponding support among
the people, whose desire for freedom would be encouraged and intensified
thereby.

The third objection referred to the difficulty of changing the ex-enemy
nations into friendly allies. That objection may be answered as follows:

The general anti-German psychosis which has developed in other countries
through the war propaganda must of necessity continue to exist as long
as there is not a renaissance of the national conscience among the
German people, so that the German REICH may once again become a State
which is able to play its part on the chess-board of European politics
and with whom the others feel that they can play. Only when the
Government and the people feel absolutely certain of being able to
undertake a policy of alliances can one Power or another, whose
interests coincide with ours, think of instituting a system of
propaganda for the purpose of changing public opinion among its own
people. Naturally it will take several years of persevering and ably
directed work to reach such a result. Just because a long period is
needed in order to change the public opinion of a country, it is
necessary to reflect calmly before such an enterprise be undertaken.
This means that one must not enter upon this kind of work unless one is
absolutely convinced that it is worth the trouble and that it will bring
results which will be valuable in the future. One must not try to change
the opinions and feelings of a people by basing one's actions on the
vain cajolery of a more or less brilliant Foreign Minister, but only if
there be a tangible guarantee that the new orientation will be really
useful. Otherwise public opinion in the country dealt with may be just
thrown into a state of complete confusion. The most reliable guarantee
that can be given for the possibility of subsequently entering into an
alliance with a certain State cannot be found in the loquacious suavity
of some individual member of the Government, but in the manifest
stability of a definite and practical policy on the part of the
Government as a whole, and in the support which is given to that policy
by the public opinion of the country. The faith of the public in this
policy will be strengthened all the more if the Government organize one
active propaganda to explain its efforts and secure public support for
them, and if public opinion favourably responds to the Government's
policy.

Therefore a nation in such a position as ours will be looked upon as a
possible ally if public opinion supports the Government's policy and if
both are united in the same enthusiastic determination to carry through
the fight for national freedom. That condition of affairs must be firmly
established before any attempt can be made to change public opinion in
other countries which, for the sake of defending their most elementary
interests, are disposed to take the road shoulder-to-shoulder with a
companion who seems able to play his part in defending those interests.
In other words, this means that they will be ready to establish an
alliance.

For this purpose, however, one thing is necessary. Seeing that the task
of bringing about a radical change in the public opinion of a country
calls for hard work, and many do not at first understand what it means,
it would be both foolish and criminal to commit mistakes which could be
used as weapons in the hands of those who are opposed to such a change.

One must recognize the fact that it takes a long time for a people to
understand completely the inner purposes which a Government has in view,
because it is not possible to explain the ultimate aims of the
preparations that are being made to carry through a certain policy. In
such cases the Government has to count on the blind faith of the masses
or the intuitive instinct of the ruling caste that is more developed
intellectually. But since many people lack this insight, this political
acumen and faculty for seeing into the trend of affairs, and since
political considerations forbid a public explanation of why such and
such a course is being followed, a certain number of leaders in
intellectual circles will always oppose new tendencies which, because
they are not easily grasped, can be pointed to as mere experiments. And
that attitude arouses opposition among conservative circles regarding
the measures in question.

For this reason a strict duty devolves upon everybody not to allow any
weapon to fall into the hands of those who would interfere with the work
of bringing about a mutual understanding with other nations. This is
specially so in our case, where we have to deal with the pretentions and
fantastic talk of our patriotic associations and our small bourgeoisie
who talk politics in the cafes. That the cry for a new war fleet, the
restoration of our colonies, etc., has no chance of ever being carried
out in practice will not be denied by anyone who thinks over the matter
calmly and seriously. These harmless and sometimes half-crazy spouters
in the war of protests are serving the interests of our mortal enemy,
while the manner in which their vapourings are exploited for political
purposes in England cannot be considered as advantageous to Germany.

They squander their energies in futile demonstrations against the whole
world. These demonstrations are harmful to our interests and those who
indulge in them forget the fundamental principle which is a preliminary
condition of all success. What thou doest, do it thoroughly. Because we
keep on howling against five or ten States we fail to concentrate all
the forces of our national will and our physical strength for a blow at
the heart of our bitterest enemy. And in this way we sacrifice the
possibility of securing an alliance which would reinforce our strength
for that decisive conflict.

Here, too, there is a mission for National Socialism to fulfil. It must
teach our people not to fix their attention on the little things but
rather on the great things, not to exhaust their energies on secondary
objects, and not to forget that the object we shall have to fight for
one day is the bare existence of our people and that the sole enemy we
shall have to strike at is that Power which is robbing us of this
existence.

It may be that we shall have many a heavy burden to bear. But this is by
no means an excuse for refusing to listen to reason and raise
nonsensical outcries against the rest of the world, instead of
concentrating all our forces against the most deadly enemy.

Moreover, the German people will have no moral right to complain of the
manner in which the rest of the world acts towards them, as long as they
themselves have not called to account those criminals who sold and
betrayed their own country. We cannot hope to be taken very seriously if
we indulge in long-range abuse and protests against England and Italy
and then allow those scoundrels to circulate undisturbed in our own
country who were in the pay of the enemy war propaganda, took the
weapons out of our hands, broke the backbone of our resistance and
bartered away the REICH for thirty pieces of silver.

The enemy did only what was expected. And we ought to learn from the
stand he took and the way he acted.

Anyone who cannot rise to the level of this outlook must reflect that
otherwise there would remain nothing else than to renounce the idea of
adopting any policy of alliances for the future. For if we cannot form
an alliance with England because she has robbed us of our colonies, or
with Italy because she has taken possession of South Tyrol, or with
Poland or Czechoslovakia, then there remains no other possibility of an
alliance in Europe except with France which, inter alia, has robbed us
of Alsace and Lorraine.

There can scarcely be any doubt as to whether this last alternative
would be advantageous to the interests of the German people. But if it
be defended by somebody one is always doubtful whether that person be
merely a simpleton or an astute rogue.

As far as concerns the leaders in these activities, I think the latter
hypothesis is true.

A change in public feeling among those nations which have hitherto been
enemies and whose true interests will correspond in the future with ours
could be effected, as far as human calculation goes, if the internal
strength of our State and our manifest determination to secure our own
existence made it clear that we should be valuable allies. Moreover, it
is necessary that our incompetent way of doing things and our criminal
conduct in some matters should not furnish grounds which may be utilized
for purposes of propaganda by those who would oppose our projects of
establishing an alliance with one or other of our former enemies.

The answer to the third question is still more difficult: Is it
conceivable that they who represent the true interests of those nations
which may possibly form an alliance with us could put their views into
practice against the will of the Jew, who is the mortal enemy of
national and independent popular States?

For instance, could the motive-forces of Great Britain's traditional
statesmanship smash the disastrous influence of the Jew, or could they
not?

This question, as I have already said, is very difficult to answer. The
answer depends on so many factors that it is impossible to form a
conclusive judgment. Anyhow, one thing is certain: The power of the
Government in a given State and at a definite period may be so firmly
established in the public estimation and so absolutely at the service of
the country's interests that the forces of international Jewry could not
possibly organize a real and effective obstruction against measures
considered to be politically necessary.

The fight which Fascist Italy waged against Jewry's three principal
weapons, the profound reasons for which may not have been consciously
understood (though I do not believe this myself) furnishes the best
proof that the poison fangs of that Power which transcends all State
boundaries are being drawn, even though in an indirect way. The
prohibition of Freemasonry and secret societies, the suppression of the
supernational Press and the definite abolition of Marxism, together with
the steadily increasing consolidation of the Fascist concept of the
State--all this will enable the Italian Government, in the course of
some years, to advance more and more the interests of the Italian people
without paying any attention to the hissing of the Jewish world-hydra.

The English situation is not so favourable. In that country which has
'the freest democracy' the Jew dictates his will, almost unrestrained
but indirectly, through his influence on public opinion. And yet there
is a perpetual struggle in England between those who are entrusted with
the defence of State interests and the protagonists of Jewish
world-dictatorship.

After the War it became clear for the first time how sharp this contrast
is, when British statesmanship took one stand on the Japanese problem
and the Press took a different stand.

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« Reply #91 on: July 19, 2008, 01:50:56 am »

Just after the War had ceased the old mutual antipathy between America
and Japan began to reappear. Naturally the great European Powers could
not remain indifferent to this new war menace. In England, despite the
ties of kinship, there was a certain amount of jealousy and anxiety over
the growing importance of the United States in all spheres of
international economics and politics. What was formerly a colonial
territory, the daughter of a great mother, seemed about to become the
new mistress of the world. It is quite understandable that to-day
England should re-examine her old alliances and that British
statesmanship should look anxiously to the danger of a coming moment
when the cry would no longer be: "Britain rules the waves", but rather:
"The Seas belong to the United States".

The gigantic North American State, with the enormous resources of its
virgin soil, is much more invulnerable than the encircled German REICH.
Should a day come when the die which will finally decide the destinies
of the nations will have to be cast in that country, England would be
doomed if she stood alone. Therefore she eagerly reaches out her hand to
a member of the yellow race and enters an alliance which, from the
racial point of view is perhaps unpardonable; but from the political
viewpoint it represents the sole possibility of reinforcing Britain's
world position in face of the strenuous developments taking place on the
American continent.

Despite the fact that they fought side by side on the European
battlefields, the British Government did not decide to conclude an
alliance with the Asiatic partner, yet the whole Jewish Press opposed
the idea of a Japanese alliance.

How can we explain the fact that up to 1918 the Jewish Press championed
the policy of the British Government against the German REICH and then
suddenly began to take its own way and showed itself disloyal to the
Government?

It was not in the interests of Great Britain to have Germany
annihilated, but primarily a Jewish interest. And to-day the destruction
of Japan would serve British political interests less than it would
serve the far-reaching intentions of those who are leading the movement
that hopes to establish a Jewish world-empire. While England is using
all her endeavours to maintain her position in the world, the Jew is
organizing his aggressive plans for the conquest of it.

He already sees the present European States as pliant instruments in his
hands, whether indirectly through the power of so-called Western
Democracy or in the form of a direct domination through Russian
Bolshevism. But it is not only the old world that he holds in his snare;
for a like fate threatens the new world. Jews control the financial
forces of America on the stock exchange. Year after year the Jew
increases his hold on Labour in a nation of 120 million souls. But a
very small section still remains quite independent and is thus the cause
of chagrin to the Jew.

The Jews show consummate skill in manipulating public opinion and using
it as an instrument in fighting for their own future.

The great leaders of Jewry are confident that the day is near at hand
when the command given in the Old Testament will be carried out and the
Jews will devour the other nations of the earth.

Among this great mass of denationalized countries which have become
Jewish colonies one independent State could bring about the ruin of the
whole structure at the last moment. The reason for doing this would be
that Bolshevism as a world-system cannot continue to exist unless it
encompasses the whole earth. Should one State preserve its national
strength and its national greatness the empire of the Jewish satrapy,
like every other tyranny, would have to succumb to the force of the
national idea.

As a result of his millennial experience in accommodating himself to
surrounding circumstances, the Jew knows very well that he can undermine
the existence of European nations by a process of racial bastardization,
but that he could hardly do the same to a national Asiatic State like
Japan. To-day he can ape the ways of the German and the Englishman, the
American and the Frenchman, but he has no means of approach to the
yellow Asiatic. Therefore he seeks to destroy the Japanese national
State by using other national States as his instruments, so that he may
rid himself of a dangerous opponent before he takes over supreme control
of the last national State and transforms that control into a tyranny
for the oppression of the defenceless.

He does not want to see a national Japanese State in existence when he
founds his millennial empire of the future, and therefore he wants to
destroy it before establishing his own dictatorship.

And so he is busy to-day in stirring up antipathy towards Japan among
the other nations, as he stirred it up against Germany. Thus it may
happen that while British statesmanship is still endeavouring to ground
its policy in the alliance with Japan, the Jewish Press in Great Britain
may be at the same time leading a hostile movement against that ally and
preparing for a war of destruction by pretending that it is for the
triumph of democracy and at the same time raising the war-cry: Down with
Japanese militarism and imperialism.

Thus in England to-day the Jew opposes the policy of the State. And for
this reason the struggle against the Jewish world-danger will one day
begin also in that country.

And here again the National Socialist Movement has a tremendous task
before it.

It must open the eyes of our people in regard to foreign nations and it
must continually remind them of the real enemy who menaces the world
to-day. In place of preaching hatred against Aryans from whom we may be
separated on almost every other ground but with whom the bond of kindred
blood and the main features of a common civilization unite us, we must
devote ourselves to arousing general indignation against the maleficent
enemy of humanity and the real author of all our sufferings.

The National Socialist Movement must see to it that at least in our own
country the mortal enemy is recognized and that the fight against him
may be a beacon light pointing to a new and better period for other
nations as well as showing the way of salvation for Aryan humanity in
the struggle for its existence.

Finally, may reason be our guide and will-power our strength. And may
the sacred duty of directing our conduct as I have pointed out give us
perseverance and tenacity; and may our faith be our supreme protection.
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« Reply #92 on: July 19, 2008, 01:51:15 am »

CHAPTER XIV



GERMANY'S POLICY IN EASTERN EUROPE


There are two considerations which induce me to make a special analysis
of Germany's position in regard to Russia. These are:

(1) This may prove to be the most decisive point in determining
Germany's foreign policy.

(2) The problem which has to be solved in this connection is also a
touchstone to test the political capacity of the young National
Socialist Movement for clear thinking and acting along the right lines.

I must confess that the second consideration has often been a source of
great anxiety to me. The members of our movement are not recruited from
circles which are habitually indifferent to public affairs, but mostly
from among men who hold more or less extreme views. Such being the case,
it is only natural that their understanding of foreign politics should
suffer from the prejudice and inadequate knowledge of those circles to
which they were formerly attached by political and ideological ties. And
this is true not merely of the men who come to us from the Left. On the
contrary, however subversive may have been the kind of teaching they
formerly received in regard to these problems, in very many cases this
was at least partly counterbalanced by the residue of sound and natural
instincts which remained. In such cases it is only necessary to
substitute a better teaching in place of the earlier influences, in
order to transform the instinct of self-preservation and other sound
instincts into valuable assets.

On the other hand, it is much more difficult to impress definite
political ideas on the minds of men whose earlier political education
was not less nonsensical and illogical than that given to the partisans
of the Left. These men have sacrificed the last residue of their natural
instincts to the worship of some abstract and entirely objective theory.
It is particularly difficult to induce these representatives of our
so-called intellectual circles to take a realistic and logical view of
their own interests and the interests of their nation in its relations
with foreign countries. Their minds are overladen with a huge burden of
prejudices and absurd ideas and they have lost or renounced every
instinct of self-preservation. With those men also the National
Socialist Movement has to fight a hard battle. And the struggle is all
the harder because, though very often they are utterly incompetent, they
are so self-conceited that, without the slightest justification, they
look down with disdain on ordinary commonsense people. These arrogant
snobs who pretend to know better than other people, are wholly incapable
of calmly and coolly analysing a problem and weighing its pros and cons,
which are the necessary preliminaries of any decision or action in the
field of foreign politics.

It is just this circle which is beginning to-day to divert our foreign
policy into most disastrous directions and turn it away from the task of
promoting the real interests of the nation. Seeing that they do this in
order to serve their own fantastic ideologies, I feel myself obliged to
take the greatest pains in laying before my own colleagues a clear
exposition of the most important problem in our foreign policy, namely,
our position in relation to Russia. I shall deal with it, as thoroughly
as may be necessary to make it generally understood and as far as the
limits of this book permit. Let me begin by laying down the following
postulate:

When we speak of foreign politics we understand that domain of
government which has set before it the task of managing the affairs of a
nation in its relations with the rest of the world. Now the guiding
principles which must be followed in managing these affairs must be
based on the definite facts that are at hand. Moreover, as National
Socialists, we must lay down the following axiom regarding the manner in
which the foreign policy of a People's State should be conducted:

The foreign policy of a People's State must first of all bear in mind
the duty of securing the existence of the race which is incorporated in
this State. And this must be done by establishing a healthy and natural
proportion between the number and growth of the population on the one
hand and the extent and resources of the territory they inhabit, on the
other. That balance must be such that it accords with the vital
necessities of the people.

What I call a HEALTHY proportion is that in which the support of a
people is guaranteed by the resources of its own soil and sub-soil. Any
situation which falls short of this condition is none the less unhealthy
even though it may endure for centuries or even a thousand years. Sooner
or later, this lack of proportion must of necessity lead to the decline
or even annihilation of the people concerned.

Only a sufficiently large space on this earth can assure the independent
existence of a people.

The extent of the territorial expansion that may be necessary for the
settlement of the national population must not be estimated by present
exigencies nor even by the magnitude of its agricultural productivity in
relation to the number of the population. In the first volume of this
book, under the heading "Germany's Policy of Alliances before the War,"
I have already explained that the geometrical dimensions of a State are
of importance not only as the source of the nation's foodstuffs and raw
materials, but also from the political and military standpoints. Once a
people is assured of being able to maintain itself from the resources of
the national territory, it must think of how this national territory can
be defended. National security depends on the political strength of a
State, and this strength, in its turn, depends on the military
possibilities inherent in the geographical situation.

Thus the German nation could assure its own future only by being a World
Power. For nearly two thousand years the defence of our national
interests was a matter of world history, as can be seen from our more or
less successful activities in the field of foreign politics. We
ourselves have been witnesses to this, seeing that the gigantic struggle
that went on from 1914 to 1918 was only the struggle of the German
people for their existence on this earth, and it was carried out in such
a way that it has become known in history as the World War.

When Germany entered this struggle it was presumed that she was a World
Power. I say PRESUMED, because in reality she was no such thing. In
1914, if there had been a different proportion between the German
population and its territorial area, Germany would have been really a
World Power and, if we leave other factors out of count, the War would
have ended in our favour.

It is not my task nor my intention here to discuss what would have
happened if certain conditions had been fulfilled. But I feel it
absolutely incumbent on me to show the present conditions in their bare
and unadorned reality, insisting on the weakness inherent in them, so
that at least in the ranks of the National Socialist Movement they
should receive the necessary recognition.

Germany is not at all a World Power to-day. Even though our present
military weakness could be overcome, we still would have no claim to be
called a World Power. What importance on earth has a State in which the
proportion between the size of the population and the territorial area
is so miserable as in the present German REICH? At an epoch in which the
world is being gradually portioned out among States many of whom almost
embrace whole continents one cannot speak of a World Power in the case
of a State whose political motherland is confined to a territorial area
of barely five-hundred-thousand square kilometres.

Looked at purely from the territorial point of view, the area comprised
in the German REICH is insignificant in comparison with the other States
that are called World Powers. England must not be cited here as an
example to contradict this statement; for the English motherland is in
reality the great metropolis of the British World Empire, which owns
almost a fourth of the earth's surface. Next to this we must consider
the American Union as one of the foremost among the colossal States,
also Russia and China. These are enormous spaces, some of which are more
than ten times greater in territorial extent than the present German
REICH. France must also be ranked among these colossal States. Not only
because she is adding to the strength of her army in a constantly
increasing measure by recruiting coloured troops from the population of
her gigantic empire, but also because France is racially becoming more
and more negroid, so much so that now one can actually speak of the
creation of an African State on European soil. The contemporary colonial
policy of France cannot be compared with that of Germany in the past. If
France develops along the lines it has taken in our day, and should that
development continue for the next three hundred years, all traces of
French blood will finally be submerged in the formation of a
Euro-African Mulatto State. This would represent a formidable and
compact colonial territory stretching from the Rhine to the Congo,
inhabited by an inferior race which had developed through a slow and
steady process of bastardization.

That process distinguishes French colonial policy from the policy
followed by the old Germany.

The former German colonial policy was carried out by half-measures, as
was almost everything they did at that time. They did not gain an
expanse of territory for the settlement of German nationals nor did they
attempt to reinforce the power of the REICH through the enlistment of
black troops, which would have been a criminal undertaking. The Askari
in German East Africa represented a small and hesitant step along this
road; but in reality they served only for the defence of the colony
itself. The idea of importing black troops to a European theatre of
war--apart entirely from the practical impossibility of this in the
World War--was never entertained as a proposal to be carried out under
favourable circumstances; whereas, on the contrary, the French always
looked on such an idea as fundamental in their colonial activities.

Thus we find in the world to-day not only a number of States that are
much greater than the German in the mere numerical size of their
populations, but also possess a greater support for their political
power. The proportion between the territorial dimensions of the German
REICH and the numerical size of its population was never so unfavourable
in comparison with the other world States as at the beginning of our
history two thousand years ago and again to-day. At the former juncture
we were a young people and we stormed a world which was made up of great
States that were already in a decadent condition, of which the last
giant was Rome, to whose overthrow we contributed. To-day we find
ourselves in a world of great and powerful States, among which the
importance of our own REICH is constantly declining more and more.

We must always face this bitter truth with clear and calm minds. We must
study the area and population of the German REICH in relation to the
other States and compare them down through the centuries. Then we shall
find that, as I have said, Germany is not a World Power whether its
military strength be great or not.

There is no proportion between our position and that of the other States
throughout the world. And this lack of proportion is to be attributed to
the fact that our foreign policy never had a definite aim to attain, and
also to the fact that we lost every sound impulse and instinct for
self-preservation.

If the historians who are to write our national history at some future
date are to give the National Socialist Movement the credit of having
devoted itself to a sacred duty in the service of our people, this
movement will have to recognize the real truth of our situation in
regard to the rest of the world. However painful this recognition may
be, the movement must draw courage from it and a sense of practical
realities in fighting against the aimlessness and incompetence which has
hitherto been shown by our people in the conduct of their foreign
policy. Without respect for 'tradition,' and without any preconceived
notions, the movement must find the courage to organize our national
forces and set them on the path which will lead them away from that
territorial restriction which is the bane of our national life to-day,
and win new territory for them. Thus the movement will save the German
people from the danger of perishing or of being slaves in the service of
any other people.

Our movement must seek to abolish the present disastrous proportion
between our population and the area of our national territory,
considering national territory as the source of our maintenance or as a
basis of political power. And it ought to strive to abolish the contrast
between past history and the hopelessly powerless situation in which we
are to-day. In striving for this it must bear in mind the fact that we
are members of the highest species of humanity on this earth, that we
have a correspondingly high duty, and that we shall fulfil this duty
only if we inspire the German people with the racial idea, so that they
will occupy themselves not merely with the breeding of good dogs and
horses and cats, but also care for the purity of their own blood.

When I say that the foreign policy hitherto followed by Germany has been
without aim and ineffectual, the proof of my statement will be found in
the actual failures of this policy. Were our people intellectually
backward, or if they lacked courage, the final results of their efforts
could not have been worse than what we see to-day. What happened during
the last decades before the War does not permit of any illusions on this
point; because we must not measure the strength of a State taken by
itself, but in comparison with other States. Now, this comparison shows
that the other States increased their strength in such a measure that
not only did it balance that of Germany but turned out in the end to be
greater; so that, contrary to appearances, when compared with the other
States Germany declined more and more in power until there was a large
margin in her disfavour. Yes, even in the size of our population we
remained far behind, and kept on losing ground. Though it is true that
the courage of our people was not surpassed by that of any other in the
world and that they poured out more blood than any other nation in
defence of their existence, their failure was due only to the erroneous
way in which that courage was turned to practical purposes.

In this connection, if we examine the chain of political vicissitudes
through which our people have passed during more than a thousand years,
recalling the innumerable struggles and wars and scrutinizing it all in
the light of the results that are before our eyes to-day, we must
confess that from the ocean of blood only three phenomena have emerged
which we must consider as lasting fruits of political happenings
definitely determined by our foreign policy.

(1) The colonization of the Eastern Mark, which was mostly the work of
the Bajuvari.

(2) The conquest and settlement of the territory east of the Elbe.

(3) The organization of the Brandenburg-Prussian State, which was the
work of the Hohenzollerns and which became the model for the
crystallization of a new REICH.

An instructive lesson for the future.

These first two great successes of our foreign policy turned out to be
the most enduring. Without them our people would play no role in the
world to-day. These achievements were the first and unfortunately the
only successful attempts to establish a harmony between our increasing
population and the territory from which it drew its livelihood. And we
must look upon it as of really fatal import that our German historians
have never correctly appreciated these formidable facts which were so
full of importance for the following generations. In contradistinction
to this, they wrote panegyrics on many other things, fantastic heroism,
innumerable adventures and wars, without understanding that these latter
had no significance whatsoever for the main line of our national
development.

The third great success achieved by our political activity was the
establishment of the Prussian State and the development of a particular
State concept which grew out of this. To the same source we are to
attribute the organization of the instinct of national self-preservation
and self-defence in the German Army, an achievement which suited the
modern world. The transformation of the idea of self-defence on the part
of the individual into the duty of national defence is derived from the
Prussian State and the new statal concept which it introduced. It would
be impossible to over-estimate the importance of this historical
process. Disrupted by excessive individualism, the German nation became
disciplined under the organization of the Prussian Army and in this way
recovered at least some of the capacity to form a national community,
which in the case of other people had originally arisen through the
constructive urge of the herd instinct. Consequently the abolition of
compulsory national military service--which may have no meaning for
dozens of other nations--had fatal consequences for us. Ten generations
of Germans left without the corrective and educative effect of military
training and delivered over to the evil effects of those dissensions and
divisions the roots of which lie in their blood and display their force
also in a disunity of world-outlook--these ten generations would be
sufficient to allow our people to lose the last relics of an independent
existence on this earth.

The German spirit could then make its contribution to civilization only
through individuals living under the rule of foreign nations and the
origin of those individuals would remain unknown. They would remain as
the fertilizing manure of civilization, until the last residue of
Nordic-Aryan blood would become corrupted or drained out.

It is a remarkable fact that the real political successes achieved by
our people during their millennial struggles are better appreciated and
understood among our adversaries than among ourselves. Even still to-day
we grow enthusiastic about a heroism which robbed our people of millions
of their best racial stock and turned out completely fruitless in the
end.

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« Reply #93 on: July 19, 2008, 01:52:18 am »

The distinction between the real political successes which our people
achieved in the course of their long history and the futile ends for
which the blood of the nation has been shed is of supreme importance for
the determination of our policy now and in the future.

We, National Socialists, must never allow ourselves to re-echo the
hurrah patriotism of our contemporary bourgeois circles. It would be a
fatal danger for us to look on the immediate developments before the War
as constituting a precedent which we should be obliged to take into
account, even though only to the very smallest degree, in choosing our
own way. We can recognize no obligation devolving on us which may have
its historical roots in any part of the nineteenth century. In
contradistinction to the policy of those who represented that period, we
must take our stand on the principles already mentioned in regard to
foreign policy: namely, the necessity of bringing our territorial area
into just proportion with the number of our population. From the past we
can learn only one lesson. And this is that the aim which is to be
pursued in our political conduct must be twofold: namely (1) the
acquisition of territory as the objective of our foreign policy and (2)
the establishment of a new and uniform foundation as the objective of
our political activities at home, in accordance with our doctrine of
nationhood.

I shall briefly deal with the question of how far our territorial aims
are justified according to ethical and moral principles. This is all the
more necessary here because, in our so-called nationalist circles, there
are all kinds of plausible phrase-mongers who try to persuade the German
people that the great aim of their foreign policy ought to be to right
the wrongs of 1918, while at the same time they consider it incumbent on
them to assure the whole world of the brotherly spirit and sympathy of
the German people towards all other nations.

In regard to this point I should like to make the following statement:
To demand that the 1914 frontiers should be restored is a glaring
political absurdity that is fraught with such consequences as to make
the claim itself appear criminal. The confines of the REICH as they
existed in 1914 were thoroughly illogical; because they were not really
complete, in the sense of including all the members of the German
nation. Nor were they reasonable, in view of the geographical exigencies
of military defence. They were not the consequence of a political plan
which had been well considered and carried out. But they were temporary
frontiers established in virtue of a political struggle that had not
been brought to a finish; and indeed they were partly the chance result
of circumstances. One would have just as good a right, and in many cases
a better right, to choose some other outstanding year than 1914 in the
course of our history and demand that the objective of our foreign
policy should be the re-establishment of the conditions then existing.
The demands I have mentioned are quite characteristic of our bourgeois
compatriots, who in such matters take no political thought of the
future, They live only in the past and indeed only in the immediate
past; for their retrospect does not go back beyond their own times. The
law of inertia binds them to the present order of things, leading them
to oppose every attempt to change this. Their opposition, however, never
passes over into any kind of active defence. It is only mere passive
obstinacy. Therefore, we must regard it as quite natural that the
political horizon of such people should not reach beyond 1914. In
proclaiming that the aim of their political activities is to have the
frontiers of that time restored, they only help to close up the rifts
that are already becoming apparent in the league which our enemies have
formed against us. Only on these grounds can we explain the fact that
eight years after a world conflagration in which a number of Allied
belligerents had aspirations and aims that were partly in conflict with
one another, the coalition of the victors still remains more or less
solid.

Each of those States in its turn profited by the German collapse. In the
fear which they all felt before the proof of strength that we had given,
the Great Powers maintained a mutual silence about their individual
feelings of envy and enmity towards one another. They felt that the best
guarantee against a resurgence of our strength in the future would be to
break up and dismember our REICH as thoroughly as possible. A bad
conscience and fear of the strength of our people made up the durable
cement which has held the members of that league together, even up to
the present moment.

And our conduct does not tend to change this state of affairs. Inasmuch
as our bourgeoisie sets up the restoration of the 1914 frontiers as the
aim of Germany's political programme, each member of the enemy coalition
who otherwise might be inclined to withdraw from the combination sticks
to it, out of fear lest he might be attacked by us if he isolated
himself and in that case would not have the support of his allies. Each
individual State feels itself aimed at and threatened by this programme.
And the programme is absurd, for the following two reasons:

(1) Because there are no available means of extricating it from the
twilight atmosphere of political soirees and transforming it into
reality.

(2) Even if it could be really carried into effect the result would be
so miserable that, surely to God, it would not be worth while to risk
the blood of our people once again for such a purpose.

For there can be scarcely any doubt whatsoever that only through
bloodshed could we achieve the restoration of the 1914 frontiers. One
must have the simple mind of a child to believe that the revision of the
Versailles Treaty can be obtained by indirect means and by beseeching
the clemency of the victors; without taking into account the fact that
for this we should need somebody who had the character of a
Talleyrand, and there is no Talleyrand among us. Fifty percent of our
politicians consists of artful dodgers who have no character and are
quite hostile to the sympathies of our people, while the other fifty per
cent is made up of well-meaning, harmless, and complaisant incompetents.
Times have changed since the Congress of Vienna. It is no longer princes
or their courtesans who contend and bargain about State frontiers, but
the inexorable cosmopolitan Jew who is fighting for his own dominion
over the nations. The sword is the only means whereby a nation can
thrust that clutch from its throat. Only when national sentiment is
organized and concentrated into an effective force can it defy that
international menace which tends towards an enslavement of the nations.
But this road is and will always be marked with bloodshed.

If we are once convinced that the future of Germany calls for the
sacrifice, in one way or another, of all that we have and are, then we
must set aside considerations of political prudence and devote ourselves
wholly to the struggle for a future that will be worthy of our country.

For the future of the German nation the 1914 frontiers are of no
significance. They did not serve to protect us in the past, nor do they
offer any guarantee for our defence in the future. With these frontiers
the German people cannot maintain themselves as a compact unit, nor can
they be assured of their maintenance. From the military viewpoint these
frontiers are not advantageous or even such as not to cause anxiety. And
while we are bound to such frontiers it will not be possible for us to
improve our present position in relation to the other World Powers, or
rather in relation to the real World Powers. We shall not lessen the
discrepancy between our territory and that of Great Britain, nor shall
we reach the magnitude of the United States of America. Not only that,
but we cannot substantially lessen the importance of France in
international politics.

One thing alone is certain: The attempt to restore the frontiers of
1914, even if it turned out successful, would demand so much bloodshed
on the part of our people that no future sacrifice would be possible to
carry out effectively such measures as would be necessary to assure the
future existence of the nation. On the contrary, under the intoxication
of such a superficial success further aims would be renounced, all the
more so because the so-called 'national honour' would seem to be
revindicated and new ports would be opened, at least for a certain time,
to our commercial development.

Against all this we, National Socialists, must stick firmly to the aim
that we have set for our foreign policy; namely, that the German people
must be assured the territorial area which is necessary for it to exist
on this earth. And only for such action as is undertaken to secure those
ends can it be lawful in the eyes of God and our German posterity to
allow the blood of our people to be shed once again. Before God, because
we are sent into this world with the commission to struggle for our
daily bread, as creatures to whom nothing is donated and who must be
able to win and hold their position as lords of the earth only through
their own intelligence and courage. And this justification must be
established also before our German posterity, on the grounds that for
each one who has shed his blood the life of a thousand others will be
guaranteed to posterity. The territory on which one day our German
peasants will be able to bring forth and nourish their sturdy sons will
justify the blood of the sons of the peasants that has to be shed
to-day. And the statesmen who will have decreed this sacrifice may be
persecuted by their contemporaries, but posterity will absolve them from
all guilt for having demanded this offering from their people.

Here I must protest as sharply as possible against those nationalist
scribes who pretend that such territorial extension would be a
"violation of the sacred rights of man" and accordingly pour out their
literary effusions against it. One never knows what are the hidden
forces behind the activities of such persons. But it is certain that the
confusion which they provoke suits the game our enemies are playing
against our nation and is in accordance with their wishes. By taking
such an attitude these scribes contribute criminally to weaken from the
inside and to destroy the will of our people to promote their own vital
interests by the only effective means that can be used for that purpose.
For no nation on earth possesses a square yard of ground and soil by
decree of a higher Will and in virtue of a higher Right. The German
frontiers are the outcome of chance, and are only temporary frontiers
that have been established as the result of political struggles which
took place at various times. The same is also true of the frontiers
which demarcate the territories on which other nations live. And just as
only an imbecile could look on the physical geography of the globe as
fixed and unchangeable--for in reality it represents a definite stage in
a given evolutionary epoch which is due to the formidable forces of
Nature and may be altered to-morrow by more powerful forces of
destruction and change--so, too, in the lives of the nations the
confines which are necessary for their sustenance are subject to change.

State frontiers are established by human beings and may be changed by
human beings.

The fact that a nation has acquired an enormous territorial area is no
reason why it should hold that territory perpetually. At most, the
possession of such territory is a proof of the strength of the conqueror
and the weakness of those who submit to him. And in this strength alone
lives the right of possession. If the German people are imprisoned
within an impossible territorial area and for that reason are face to
face with a miserable future, this is not by the command of Destiny, and
the refusal to accept such a situation is by no means a violation of
Destiny's laws. For just as no Higher Power has promised more territory
to other nations than to the German, so it cannot be blamed for an
unjust distribution of the soil. The soil on which we now live was not a
gift bestowed by Heaven on our forefathers. But they had to conquer it
by risking their lives. So also in the future our people will not obtain
territory, and therewith the means of existence, as a favour from any
other people, but will have to win it by the power of a triumphant
sword.

To-day we are all convinced of the necessity of regulating our situation
in regard to France; but our success here will be ineffective in its
broad results if the general aims of our foreign policy will have to
stop at that. It can have significance for us only if it serves to cover
our flank in the struggle for that extension of territory which is
necessary for the existence of our people in Europe. For colonial
acquisitions will not solve that question. It can be solved only by the
winning of such territory for the settlement of our people as will
extend the area of the motherland and thereby will not only keep the new
settlers in the closest communion with the land of their origin, but
will guarantee to this territorial ensemble the advantages which arise
from the fact that in their expansion over greater territory the people
remain united as a political unit.

The National Movement must not be the advocate for other nations, but
the protagonist for its own nation. Otherwise it would be something
superfluous and, above all, it would have no right to clamour against
the action of the past; for then it would be repeating the action of the
past. The old German policy suffered from the mistake of having been
determined by dynastic considerations. The new German policy must not
follow the sentimentality of cosmopolitan patriotism. Above all, we must
not form a police guard for the famous 'poor small nations'; but we must
be the soldiers of the German nation.

We National Socialists have to go still further. The right to territory
may become a duty when a great nation seems destined to go under unless
its territory be extended. And that is particularly true when the nation
in question is not some little group of negro people but the Germanic
mother of all the life which has given cultural shape to the modern
world. Germany will either become a World Power or will not continue to
exist at all. But in order to become a World Power it needs that
territorial magnitude which gives it the necessary importance to-day and
assures the existence of its citizens.

Therefore we National Socialists have purposely drawn a line through the
line of conduct followed by pre-War Germany in foreign policy. We put an
end to the perpetual Germanic march towards the South and West of Europe
and turn our eyes towards the lands of the East. We finally put a stop
to the colonial and trade policy of pre-War times and pass over to the
territorial policy of the future.

But when we speak of new territory in Europe to-day we must principally
think of Russia and the border States subject to her.
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« Reply #94 on: July 19, 2008, 01:52:46 am »

Destiny itself seems to wish to point out the way for us here. In
delivering Russia over to Bolshevism, Fate robbed the Russian people of
that intellectual class which had once created the Russian State and
were the guarantee of its existence. For the Russian State was not
organized by the constructive political talent of the Slav element in
Russia, but was much more a marvellous exemplification of the capacity
for State-building possessed by the Germanic element in a race of
inferior worth. Thus were many powerful Empires created all over the
earth. More often than once inferior races with Germanic organizers and
rulers as their leaders became formidable States and continued to exist
as long as the racial nucleus remained which had originally created each
respective State. For centuries Russia owed the source of its livelihood
as a State to the Germanic nucleus of its governing class. But this
nucleus is now almost wholly broken up and abolished. The Jew has taken
its place. Just as it is impossible for the Russian to shake off the
Jewish yoke by exerting his own powers, so, too, it is impossible for
the Jew to keep this formidable State in existence for any long period
of time. He himself is by no means an organizing element, but rather a
ferment of decomposition. This colossal Empire in the East is ripe for
dissolution. And the end of the Jewish domination in Russia will also be
the end of Russia as a State. We are chosen by Destiny to be the
witnesses of a catastrophe which will afford the strongest confirmation
of the nationalist theory of race.

But it is our task, and it is the mission of the National Socialist
Movement, to develop in our people that political mentality which will
enable them to realize that the aim which they must set to themselves
for the fulfilment of their future must not be some wildly enthusiastic
adventure in the footsteps of Alexander the Great but industrious labour
with the German plough, for which the German sword will provide the
soil.

That the Jew should declare himself bitterly hostile to such a policy is
only quite natural. For the Jews know better than any others what the
adoption of this line of conduct must mean for their own future. That
fact alone ought to teach all genuine nationalists that this new
orientation is the right and just one. But, unfortunately, the opposite
is the case. Not only among the members of the German-National Party but
also in purely nationalist circles violent opposition is raised against
this Eastern policy. And in connection with that opposition, as in all
such cases, the authority of great names is appealed to. The spirit of
Bismarck is evoked in defence of a policy which is as stupid as it is
impossible, and is in the highest degree detrimental to the interests of
the German people. They say that Bismarck laid great importance on the
value of good relations with Russia. To a certain extent, that is true.
But they quite forget to add that he laid equal stress on the importance
of good relations with Italy, for example. Indeed, the same Herr von
Bismarck once concluded an alliance with Italy so that he might more
easily settle accounts with Austria. Why is not this policy now
advocated? They will reply that the Italy of to-day is not the Italy of
that time. Good. But then, honourable sirs, permit me to remind you that
the Russia of to-day is no longer the Russia of that time. Bismarck
never laid down a policy which would be permanently binding under all
circumstances and should be adhered to on principle. He was too much the
master of the moment to burden himself with that kind of obligation.
Therefore, the question ought not to be what Bismarck then did, but
rather what he would do to-day. And that question is very easy to
answer. His political sagacity would never allow him to ally himself
with a State that is doomed to disappear.

Moreover, Bismarck looked upon the colonial and trade policy of his time
with mixed feelings, because what he most desired was to assure the best
possibilities of consolidating and internally strengthening the state
system which he himself had created. That was the sole ground on which
he then welcomed the Russian defence in his rear, so as to give him a
free hand for his activities in the West. But what was advantageous then
to Germany would now be detrimental.

As early as 1920-21, when the young movement began slowly to appear on
the political horizon and movements for the liberation of the German
nation were formed here and there, the Party was approached from various
quarters in an attempt to bring it into definite connection with the
liberationist movements in other countries. This was in line with the
plans of the 'League of Oppressed Nations', which had been advertised in
many quarters and was composed principally of representatives of some of
the Balkan States and also of Egypt and India. These always impressed me
as charlatans who gave themselves big airs but had no real background at
all. Not a few Germans, however, especially in the nationalist camp,
allowed themselves to be taken in by these pompous Orientals, and in the
person of some wandering Indian or Egyptian student they believed at
once that they were face to face with a 'representative' of India or
Egypt. They did not realize that in most cases they were dealing with
persons who had no backing whatsoever, who were not authorized by
anybody to conclude any sort of agreement whatsoever; so that the
practical result of every negotiation with such individuals was negative
and the time spent in such dealings had to be reckoned as utterly lost.
I was always on my guard against these attempts. Not only that I had
something better to do than to waste weeks in such sterile
'discussions', but also because I believed that even if one were dealing
with genuine representatives that whole affair would be bound to turn
out futile, if not positively harmful.

In peace-time it was already lamentable enough that the policy of
alliances, because it had no active and aggressive aims in view, ended
in a defensive association with antiquated States that had been
pensioned off by the history of the world. The alliance with Austria, as
well as that with Turkey, was not much to be joyful about. While the
great military and industrial States of the earth had come together in a
league for purposes of active aggression, a few old and effete States
were collected, and with this antique bric-à-brac an attempt was made to
face an active world coalition. Germany had to pay dearly for that
mistaken foreign policy and yet not dearly enough to prevent our
incorrigible visionaries from falling back into the same error again.
For the attempt to make possible the disarmament of the all-powerful
victorious States through a 'League of Oppressed Nations' is not only
ridiculous but disastrous. It is disastrous because in that way the
German people are again being diverted from real possibilities, which
they abandon for the sake of fruitless hopes and illusions. In reality
the German of to-day is like a drowning man that clutches at any straw
which may float beside him. And one finds people doing this who are
otherwise highly educated. Wherever some will-o'-the-wisp of a fantastic
hope appears these people set off immediately to chase it. Let this be a
League of Oppressed Nations, a League of Nations, or some other
fantastic invention, thousands of ingenuous souls will always be found
to believe in it.

I remember well the childish and incomprehensible hopes which arose
suddenly in nationalist circles in the years 1920-21 to the effect that
England was just nearing its downfall in India. A few Asiatic
mountebanks, who put themselves forward as "the champions of Indian
Freedom", then began to peregrinate throughout Europe and succeeded in
inspiring otherwise quite reasonable people with the fixed notion that
the British World Empire, which had its pivot in India, was just about
to collapse there. They never realized that their own wish was the
father of all these ideas. Nor did they stop to think how absurd their
wishes were. For inasmuch as they expected the end of the British Empire
and of England's power to follow the collapse of its dominion over
India, they themselves admitted that India was of the most outstanding
importance for England.

Now in all likelihood the deep mysteries of this most important problem
must have been known not only to the German-National prophets but also
to those who had the direction of British history in their hands. It is
right down puerile to suppose that in England itself the importance of
India for the British Empire was not adequately appreciated. And it is a
proof of having learned nothing from the world war and of thoroughly
misunderstanding or knowing nothing about Anglo-Saxon determination,
when they imagine that England could lose India without first having put
forth the last ounce of her strength in the struggle to hold it.
Moreover, it shows how complete is the ignorance prevailing in Germany
as to the manner in which the spirit of England permeates and
administers her Empire. England will never lose India unless she admits
racial disruption in the machinery of her administration (which at
present is entirely out of the question in India) or unless she is
overcome by the sword of some powerful enemy. But Indian risings will
never bring this about. We Germans have had sufficient experience to
know how hard it is to coerce England. And, apart from all this, I as a
German would far rather see India under British domination than under
that of any other nation.

The hopes of an epic rising in Egypt were just as chimerical. The 'Holy
War' may bring the pleasing illusion to our German nincompoops that
others are now ready to shed their blood for them. Indeed, this cowardly
speculation is almost always the father of such hopes. But in reality
the illusion would soon be brought to an end under the fusillade from a
few companies of British machine-guns and a hail of British bombs.

A coalition of cripples cannot attack a powerful State which is
determined, if necessary, to shed the last drop of its blood to maintain
its existence. To me, as a nationalist who appreciates the worth of the
racial basis of humanity, I must recognize the racial inferiority of the
so-called 'Oppressed Nations', and that is enough to prevent me from
linking the destiny of my people with the destiny of those inferior
races.

To-day we must take up the same sort of attitude also towards Russia.
The Russia of to-day, deprived of its Germanic ruling class, is not a
possible ally in the struggle for German liberty, setting aside entirely
the inner designs of its new rulers. From the purely military viewpoint
a Russo-German coalition waging war against Western Europe, and probably
against the whole world on that account, would be catastrophic for us.
The struggle would have to be fought out, not on Russian but on German
territory, without Germany being able to receive from Russia the
slightest effective support. The means of power at the disposal of the
present German REICH are so miserable and so inadequate to the waging of
a foreign war that it would be impossible to defend our frontiers
against Western Europe, England included. And the industrial area of
Germany would have to be abandoned undefended to the concentrated attack
of our adversaries. It must be added that between Germany and Russia
there is the Polish State, completely in the hands of the French. In
case Germany and Russia together should wage war against Western Europe,
Russia would have to overthrow Poland before the first Russian soldier
could arrive on the German front. But it is not so much a question of
soldiers as of technical equipment. In this regard we should have our
situation in the world war repeated, but in a more terrible manner. At
that time German industry had to be drained to help our glorious allies,
and from the technical side Germany had to carry on the war almost
alone. In this new hypothetical war Russia, as a technical factor, would
count for nothing. We should have practically nothing to oppose to the
general motorization of the world, which in the next war will make its
appearance in an overwhelming and decisive form. In this important field
Germany has not only shamefully lagged behind, but with the little it
has it would have to reinforce Russia, which at the present moment does
not possess a single factory capable of producing a motor gun-wagon.
Under such conditions the presupposed coming struggle would assume the
character of sheer slaughter. The German youth would have to shed more
of its blood than it did even in the world war; for, as always, the
honour of fighting will fall on us alone, and the result would be an
inevitable catastrophe. But even admitting that a miracle were produced
and that this war did not end in the total annihilation of Germany, the
final result would be that the German nation would be bled white, and,
surrounded by great military States, its real situation would be in no
way ameliorated.

It is useless to object here that in case of an alliance with Russia we
should not think of an immediate war or that, anyhow, we should have
means of making thorough preparations for war. No. An alliance which is
not for the purpose of waging war has no meaning and no value. Even
though at the moment when an alliance is concluded the prospect of war
is a distant one, still the idea of the situation developing towards war
is the profound reason for entering into an alliance. It is out of the
question to think that the other Powers would be deceived as to the
purpose of such an alliance. A Russo-German coalition would remain
either a matter of so much paper--and in this case it would have no
meaning for us--or the letter of the treaty would be put into practice
visibly, and in that case the rest of the world would be warned. It
would be childish to think that in such circumstances England and France
would wait for ten years to give the Russo-German alliance time to
complete its technical preparations. No. The storm would break over
Germany immediately.

Therefore the fact of forming an alliance with Russia would be the
signal for a new war. And the result of that would be the end of
Germany.

To these considerations the following must be added:

(1) Those who are in power in Russia to-day have no idea of forming an
honourable alliance or of remaining true to it, if they did.

It must never be forgotten that the present rulers of Russia are
blood-stained criminals, that here we have the dregs of humanity which,
favoured by the circumstances of a tragic moment, overran a great State,
degraded and extirpated millions of educated people out of sheer
blood-lust, and that now for nearly ten years they have ruled with such
a savage tyranny as was never known before. It must not be forgotten
that these rulers belong to a people in whom the most bestial cruelty is
allied with a capacity for artful mendacity and believes itself to-day
more than ever called to impose its sanguinary despotism on the rest of
the world. It must not be forgotten that the international Jew, who is
to-day the absolute master of Russia, does not look upon Germany as an
ally but as a State condemned to the same doom as Russia. One does not
form an alliance with a partner whose only aim is the destruction of his
fellow-partner. Above all, one does not enter into alliances with people
for whom no treaty is sacred; because they do not move about this earth
as men of honour and sincerity but as the representatives of lies and
deception, thievery and plunder and robbery. The man who thinks that he
can bind himself by treaty with parasites is like the tree that believes
it can form a profitable bargain with the ivy that surrounds it.

(2) The menace to which Russia once succumbed is hanging steadily over
Germany. Only a bourgeois simpleton could imagine that Bolshevism can be
tamed. In his superficial way of thinking he does not suspect that here
we are dealing with a phenomenon that is due to an urge of the blood:
namely, the aspiration of the Jewish people to become the despots of the
world. That aspiration is quite as natural as the impulse of the
Anglo-Saxon to sit in the seats of rulership all over the earth. And as
the Anglo-Saxon chooses his own way of reaching those ends and fights
for them with his characteristic weapons, so also does the Jew. The Jew
wriggles his way in among the body of the nations and bores them hollow
from inside. The weapons with which he works are lies and calumny,
poisonous infection and disintegration, until he has ruined his hated
adversary. In Russian Bolshevism we ought to recognize the kind of
attempt which is being made by the Jew in the twentieth century to
secure dominion over the world. In other epochs he worked towards the
same goal but with different, though at bottom similar, means. The kind
of effort which the Jew puts forth springs from the deepest roots in the
nature of his being. A people does not of itself renounce the impulse to
increase its stock and power. Only external circumstances or senile
impotence can force them to renounce this urge. In the same way the Jew
will never spontaneously give up his march towards the goal of world
dictatorship or repress his external urge. He can be thrown back on his
road only by forces that are exterior to him, for his instinct towards
world domination will die out only with himself. The impotence of
nations and their extinction through senility can come only when their
blood has remained no longer pure. And the Jewish people preserve the
purity of their blood better than any other nation on earth. Therefore
the Jew follows his destined road until he is opposed by a force
superior to him. And then a desperate struggle takes place to send back
to Lucifer him who would assault the heavens.

To-day Germany is the next battlefield for Russian Bolshevism. All the
force of a fresh missionary idea is needed to raise up our nation once
more, to rescue it from the coils of the international serpent and stop
the process of corruption which is taking place in the internal
constitution of our blood; so that the forces of our nation, once
liberated, may be employed to preserve our nationality and prevent the
repetition of the recent catastrophe from taking place even in the most
distant future. If this be the goal we set to ourselves it would be
folly to ally ourselves with a country whose master is the mortal enemy
of our future. How can we release our people from this poisonous grip if
we accept the same grip ourselves? How can we teach the German worker
that Bolshevism is an infamous crime against humanity if we ally
ourselves with this infernal abortion and recognize its existence as
legitimate. With what right shall we condemn the members of the broad
masses whose sympathies lie with a certain WELTANSCHAUUNG if the rulers
of our State choose the representatives of that WELTANSCHAUUNG as their
allies? The struggle against the Jewish Bolshevization of the world
demands that we should declare our position towards Soviet Russia. We
cannot cast out the Devil through Beelzebub. If nationalist circles
to-day grow enthusiastic about the idea of an alliance with Bolshevism,
then let them look around only in Germany and recognize from what
quarter they are being supported. Do these nationalists believe that a
policy which is recommended and acclaimed by the Marxist international
Press can be beneficial for the German people? Since when has the Jew
acted as shield-bearer for the militant nationalist?

One special reproach which could be made against the old German REICH
with regard to its policy of alliances was that it spoiled its relations
towards all others by continually swinging now this way and now that way
and by its weakness in trying to preserve world peace at all costs. But
one reproach which cannot be made against it is that it did not continue
to maintain good relations with Russia.

I admit frankly that before the War I thought it would have been better
if Germany had abandoned her senseless colonial policy and her naval
policy and had joined England in an alliance against Russia, therewith
renouncing her weak world policy for a determined European policy, with
the idea of acquiring new territory on the Continent. I do not forget
the constant insolent threats which Pan-Slavist Russia made against
Germany. I do not forget the continual trial mobilizations, the sole
object of which was to irritate Germany. I cannot forget the tone of
public opinion in Russia which in pre-War days excelled itself in
hate-inspired outbursts against our nation and REICH. Nor can I forget
the big Russian Press which was always more favourable to France than to
us.
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« Reply #95 on: July 19, 2008, 01:53:17 am »

But, in spite of everything, there was still a second way possible
before the War. We might have won the support of Russia and turned
against England. Circumstances are entirely different to-day. If, before
the War, throwing all sentiment to the winds, we could have marched by
the side of Russia, that is no longer possible for us to-day. Since then
the hand of the world-clock has moved forward. The hour has struck and
struck loudly, when the destiny of our people must be decided one way or
another.

The present consolidation of the great States of the world is the last
warning signal for us to look to ourselves and bring our people back
from their land of visions to the land of hard truth and point the way
into the future, on which alone the old REICH can march triumphantly
once again.

If, in view of this great and most important task placed before it, the
National Socialist Movement sets aside all illusions and takes reason as
its sole effective guide the catastrophe of 1918 may turn out to be an
infinite blessing for the future of our nation. From the lesson of that
collapse it may formulate an entirely new orientation for the conduct of
its foreign policy. Internally reinforced through its new
WELTANSCHAUUNG, the German nation may reach a final stabilization of
its policy towards the outside world. It may end by gaining what England
has, what even Russia had, and what France again and again utilized as
the ultimate grounds on which she was able to base correct decisions for
her own interests: namely, A Political Testament. Political Testament of
the German Nation ought to lay down the following rules, which will be
always valid for its conduct towards the outside world:

Never permit two Continental Powers to arise in Europe. Should any
attempt be made to organize a second military Power on the German
frontier by the creation of a State which may become a Military Power,
with the prospect of an aggression against Germany in view, such an
event confers on Germany not only the right but the duty to prevent by
every means, including military means, the creation of such a State and
to crush it if created. See to it that the strength of our nation does
not rest on colonial foundations but on those of our own native
territory in Europe. Never consider the REICH secure unless, for
centuries to come, it is in a position to give every descendant of our
race a piece of ground and soil that he can call his own. Never forget
that the most sacred of all rights in this world is man's right to the
earth which he wishes to cultivate for himself and that the holiest of
all sacrifices is that of the blood poured out for it.

I should not like to close this chapter without referring once again to
the one sole possibility of alliances that exists for us in Europe at
the present moment. In speaking of the German alliance problem in the
present chapter I mentioned England and Italy as the only countries with
which it would be worth while for us to strive to form a close alliance
and that this alliance would be advantageous. I should like here to
underline again the military importance of such an alliance.

The military consequences of forming this alliance would be the direct
opposite of the consequences of an alliance with Russia. Most important
of all is the fact that a RAPPROCHEMENT with England and Italy would in
no way involve a danger of war. The only Power that could oppose such an
arrangement would be France; and France would not be in a position to
make war. But the alliance should allow to Germany the possibility of
making those preparations in all tranquillity which, within the
framework of such a coalition, might in one way or another be requisite
in view of a regulation of accounts with France. For the full
significance of such an alliance lies in the fact that on its conclusion
Germany would no longer be subject to the threat of a sudden invasion.
The coalition against her would disappear automatically; that is to say,
the Entente which brought such disaster to us. Thus France, the mortal
enemy of our people, would be isolated. And even though at first this
success would have only a moral effect, it would be sufficient to give
Germany such liberty of action as we cannot now imagine. For the new
Anglo-German-Italian alliance would hold the political initiative and no
longer France.

A further success would be that at one stroke Germany would be delivered
from her unfavourable strategical situation. On the one side her flank
would be strongly protected; and, on the other, the assurance of being
able to import her foodstuffs and raw materials would be a beneficial
result of this new alignment of States. But almost of greater importance
would be the fact that this new League would include States that possess
technical qualities which mutually supplement each other. For the first
time Germany would have allies who would not be as vampires on her
economic body but would contribute their part to complete our technical
equipment. And we must not forget a final fact: namely, that in this
case we should not have allies resembling Turkey and Russia to-day. The
greatest World Power on this earth and a young national State would
supply far other elements for a struggle in Europe than the putrescent
carcasses of the States with which Germany was allied in the last war.

As I have already said, great difficulties would naturally be made to
hinder the conclusion of such an alliance. But was not the formation of
the Entente somewhat more difficult? Where King Edward VII succeeded
partly against interests that were of their nature opposed to his work
we must and will succeed, if the recognition of the necessity of such a
development so inspires us that we shall be able to act with skill and
conquer our own feelings in carrying the policy through. This will be
possible when, incited to action by the miseries of our situation, we
shall adopt a definite purpose and follow it out systematically instead
of the defective foreign policy of the last decades, which never had a
fixed purpose in view.

The future goal of our foreign policy ought not to involve an
orientation to the East or the West, but it ought to be an Eastern
policy which will have in view the acquisition of such territory as is
necessary for our German people. To carry out this policy we need that
force which the mortal enemy of our nation, France, now deprives us of
by holding us in her grip and pitilessly robbing us of our strength.
Therefore we must stop at no sacrifice in our effort to destroy the
French striving towards hegemony over Europe. As our natural ally to-day
we have every Power on the Continent that feels France's lust for
hegemony in Europe unbearable. No attempt to approach those Powers ought
to appear too difficult for us, and no sacrifice should be considered
too heavy, if the final outcome would be to make it possible for us to
overthrow our bitterest enemy. The minor wounds will be cured by the
beneficent influence of time, once the ground wounds have been
cauterized and closed.

Naturally the internal enemies of our people will howl with rage. But
this will not succeed in forcing us as National Socialists to cease our
preaching in favour of that which our most profound conviction tells us
to be necessary. We must oppose the current of public opinion which will
be driven mad by Jewish cunning in exploiting our German
thoughtlessness. The waves of this public opinion often rage and roar
against us; but the man who swims with the current attracts less
attention than he who buffets it. To-day we are but a rock in the river.
In a few years Fate may raise us up as a dam against which the general
current will be broken, only to flow forward in a new bed. Therefore it
is necessary that in the eyes of the rest of the world our movement
should be recognized as representing a definite and determined political
programme. We ought to bear on our visors the distinguishing sign of
that task which Heaven expects us to fulfil.

When we ourselves are fully aware of the ineluctable necessity which
determines our external policy this knowledge will fill us with the grit
which we need in order to stand up with equanimity under the bombardment
launched against us by the enemy Press and to hold firm when some
insinuating voice whispers that we ought to give ground here and there
in order not to have all against us and that we might sometimes howl
with the wolves.

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« Reply #96 on: July 19, 2008, 01:53:47 am »

CHAPTER XV



THE RIGHT TO SELF-DEFENCE


After we had laid down our arms, in November 1918, a policy was adopted
which in all human probability was bound to lead gradually to our
complete subjugation. Analogous examples from history show that those
nations which lay down their arms without being absolutely forced to do
so subsequently prefer to submit to the greatest humiliations and
exactions rather than try to change their fate by resorting to arms
again.

That is intelligible on purely human grounds. A shrewd conqueror will
always enforce his exactions on the conquered only by stages, as far as
that is possible. Then he may expect that a people who have lost all
strength of character--which is always the case with every nation that
voluntarily submits to the threats of an opponent--will not find in any
of these acts of oppression, if one be enforced apart from the other,
sufficient grounds for taking up arms again. The more numerous the
extortions thus passively accepted so much the less will resistance
appear justified in the eyes of other people, if the vanquished nation
should end by revolting against the last act of oppression in a long
series. And that is specially so if the nation has already patiently and
silently accepted impositions which were much more exacting.

The fall of Carthage is a terrible example of the slow agony of a people
which ended in destruction and which was the fault of the people
themselves.

In his THREE ARTICLES OF FAITH Clausewitz expressed this idea admirably
and gave it a definite form when he said: "The stigma of shame incurred
by a cowardly submission can never be effaced. The drop of poison which
thus enters the blood of a nation will be transmitted to posterity. It
will undermine and paralyse the strength of later generations." But, on
the contrary, he added: "Even the loss of its liberty after a sanguinary
and honourable struggle assures the resurgence of the nation and is the
vital nucleus from which one day a new tree can draw firm roots."

Naturally a nation which has lost all sense of honour and all strength
of character will not feel the force of such a doctrine. But any nation
that takes it to heart will never fall very low. Only those who forget
it or do not wish to acknowledge it will collapse. Hence those
responsible for a cowardly submission cannot be expected suddenly to
take thought with themselves, for the purpose of changing their former
conduct and directing it in the way pointed out by human reason and
experience. On the contrary, they will repudiate such a doctrine, until
the people either become permanently habituated to the yoke of slavery
or the better elements of the nation push their way into the foreground
and forcibly take power away from the hands of an infamous and corrupt
regime. In the first case those who hold power will be pleased with the
state of affairs, because the conquerors often entrust them with the
task of supervising the slaves. And these utterly characterless beings
then exercise that power to the detriment of their own people, more
cruelly than the most cruel-hearted stranger that might be nominated by
the enemy himself.

The events which happened subsequent to 1918 in Germany prove how the
hope of securing the clemency of the victor by making a voluntary
submission had the most disastrous influence on the political views and
conduct of the broad masses. I say the broad masses explicitly, because
I cannot persuade myself that the things which were done or left undone
by the leaders of the people are to be attributed to a similar
disastrous illusion. Seeing that the direction of our historical destiny
after the war was now openly controlled by the Jews, it is impossible to
admit that a defective knowledge of the state of affairs was the sole
cause of our misfortunes. On the contrary, the conclusion that must be
drawn from the facts is that our people were intentionally driven to
ruin. If we examine it from this point of view we shall find that the
direction of the nation's foreign policy was not so foolish as it
appeared; for on scrutinizing the matter closely we see clearly that
this conduct was a procedure which had been calmly calculated, shrewdly
defined and logically carried out in the service of the Jewish idea and
the Jewish endeavour to secure the mastery of the world.

From 1806 to 1813 Prussia was in a state of collapse. But that period
sufficed to renew the vital energies of the nation and inspire it once
more with a resolute determination to fight. An equal period of time has
passed over our heads from 1918 until to-day, and no advantage has been
derived from it. On the contrary, the vital strength of our State has
been steadily sapped.

Seven years after November 1918 the Locarno Treaty was signed.

Thus the development which took place was what I have indicated above.
Once the shameful Armistice had been signed our people were unable to
pluck up sufficient courage and energy to call a halt suddenly to the
conduct of our adversary as the oppressive measures were being
constantly renewed. The enemy was too shrewd to put forward all his
demands at once. He confined his duress always to those exactions which,
in his opinion and that of our German Government, could be submitted to
for the moment: so that in this way they did not risk causing an
explosion of public feeling. But according as the single impositions
were increasingly subscribed to and tolerated it appeared less
justifiable to do now in the case of one sole imposition or act of
duress what had not been previously done in the case of so many others,
namely, to oppose it. That is the 'drop of poison' of which Clausewitz
speaks. Once this lack of character is manifested the resultant
condition becomes steadily aggravated and weighs like an evil
inheritance on all future decisions. It may become as a leaden weight
around the nation's neck, which cannot be shaken off but which forces it
to drag out its existence in slavery.

Thus, in Germany, edicts for disarmament and oppression and economic
plunder followed one after the other, making us politically helpless.
The result of all this was to create that mood which made so many look
upon the Dawes Plan as a blessing and the Locarno Treaty as a success.
From a higher point of view we may speak of one sole blessing in the
midst of so much misery. This blessing is that, though men may be
fooled, Heaven can't be bribed. For Heaven withheld its blessing. Since
that time Misery and Anxiety have been the constant companions of our
people, and Distress is the one Ally that has remained loyal to us. In
this case also Destiny has made no exceptions. It has given us our
deserts. Since we did not know how to value honour any more, it has
taught us to value the liberty to seek for bread. Now that the nation
has learned to cry for bread, it may one day learn to pray for freedom.

The collapse of our nation in the years following 1918 was bitter and
manifest. And yet that was the time chosen to persecute us in the most
malicious way our enemies could devise, so that what happened afterwards
could have been foretold by anybody then. The government to which our
people submitted was as hopelessly incompetent as it was conceited, and
this was especially shown in repudiating those who gave any warning that
disturbed or displeased. Then we saw--and to-day also--the greatest
parliamentary nincompoops, really common saddlers and glove-makers--not
merely by trade, for that would signify very little--suddenly raised to
the rank of statesmen and sermonizing to humble mortals from that
pedestal. It did not matter, and it still does not matter, that such a
'statesman', after having displayed his talents for six months or so as
a mere windbag, is shown up for what he is and becomes the object of
public raillery and sarcasm. It does not matter that he has given the
most evident proof of complete incompetency. No. That does not matter at
all. On the contrary, the less real service the parliamentary statesmen
of this Republic render the country, the more savagely they persecute
all who expect that parliamentary deputies should show some positive
results of their activities. And they persecute everybody who dares to
point to the failure of these activities and predict similar failures
for the future. If one finally succeeds in nailing down one of these
parliamentarians to hard facts, so that this political artist can no
longer deny the real failure of his whole action and its results, then
he will find thousands of grounds for excuse, but will in no way admit
that he himself is the chief cause of the evil.

In the winter of 1922-23, at the latest, it ought to have been generally
recognized that, even after the conclusion of peace, France was still
endeavouring with iron consistency to attain those ends which had been
originally envisaged as the final purpose of the War. For nobody could
think of believing that for four and a half years France continued to
pour out the not abundant supply of her national blood in the most
decisive struggle throughout all her history in order subsequently to
obtain compensation through reparations for the damages sustained. Even
Alsace and Lorraine, taken by themselves, would not account for the
energy with which the French conducted the War, if Alsace-Lorraine were
not already considered as a part of the really vast programme which
French foreign policy had envisaged for the future. The aim of that
programme was: Disintegration of Germany into a collection of small
states. It was for this that Chauvinist France waged war; and in doing
so she was in reality selling her people to be the serfs of the
international Jew.

French war aims would have been obtained through the World War if, as
was originally hoped in Paris, the struggle had been carried out on
German soil. Let us imagine the bloody battles of the World War not as
having taken place on the Somme, in Flanders, in Artois, in front of
Warsaw, Nizhni-Novogorod, Kowno, and Riga but in Germany, in the Ruhr or
on the Maine, on the Elbe, in front of Hanover, Leipzig, Nürnberg, etc.
If such happened, then we must admit that the destruction of Germany
might have been accomplished. It is very much open to question if our
young federal State could have borne the hard struggle for four and a
half years, as it was borne by a France that had been centralized for
centuries, with the whole national imagination focused on Paris. If this
titanic conflict between the nations developed outside the frontiers of
our fatherland, not only is all the merit due to the immortal service
rendered by our old army but it was also very fortunate for the future
of Germany. I am fully convinced that if things had taken a different
course there would no longer be a German REICH to-day but only 'German
States'. And that is the only reason why the blood which was shed by our
friends and brothers in the War was at least not shed in vain.

The course which events took was otherwise. In November 1918 Germany did
indeed collapse with lightning suddenness. But when the catastrophe took
place at home the armies under the Commander-in-Chief were still deep in
the enemy's country. At that time France's first preoccupation was not
the dismemberment of Germany but the problem of how to get the German
armies out of France and Belgium as quickly as possible. And so, in
order to put an end to the War, the first thing that had to be done by
the Paris Government was to disarm the German armies and push them back
into Germany if possible. Until this was done the French could not
devote their attention to carrying out their own particular and original
war aims. As far as concerned England, the War was really won when
Germany was destroyed as a colonial and commercial Power and was reduced
to the rank of a second-class State. It was not in England's interest to
wipe out the German State altogether. In fact, on many grounds it was
desirable for her to have a future rival against France in Europe.
Therefore French policy was forced to carry on by peaceful means the
work for which the War had opened the way; and Clemenceau's statement,
that for him Peace was merely a continuation of the War, thus acquired
an enhanced significance.

Persistently and on every opportunity that arose, the effort to
dislocate the framework of the REICH was to have been carried on. By
perpetually sending new notes that demanded disarmament, on the one
hand, and by the imposition of economic levies which, on the other hand,
could be carried out as the process of disarmament progressed, it was
hoped in Paris that the framework of the REICH would gradually fall to
pieces. The more the Germans lost their sense of national honour the
more could economic pressure and continued economic distress be
effective as factors of political destruction. Such a policy of
political oppression and economic exploitation, carried out for ten or
twenty years, must in the long run steadily ruin the most compact
national body and, under certain circumstances, dismember it. Then the
French war aims would have been definitely attained.

By the winter of 1922-23 the intentions of the French must already have
been known for a long time back. There remained only two possible ways
of confronting the situation. If the German national body showed itself
sufficiently tough-skinned, it might gradually blunt the will of the
French or it might do--once and for all--what was bound to become
inevitable one day: that is to say, under the provocation of some
particularly brutal act of oppression it could put the helm of the
German ship of state to roundabout and ram the enemy. That would
naturally involve a life-and-death-struggle. And the prospect of coming
through the struggle alive depended on whether France could be so far
isolated that in this second battle Germany would not have to fight
against the whole world but in defence of Germany against a France that
was persistently disturbing the peace of the world.

I insist on this point, and I am profoundly convinced of it, namely,
that this second alternative will one day be chosen and will have to be
chosen and carried out in one way or another. I shall never believe that
France will of herself alter her intentions towards us, because, in the
last analysis, they are only the expression of the French instinct for
self-preservation. Were I a Frenchman and were the greatness of France
so dear to me as that of Germany actually is, in the final reckoning I
could not and would not act otherwise than a Clemenceau. The French
nation, which is slowly dying out, not so much through depopulation as
through the progressive disappearance of the best elements of the race,
can continue to play an important role in the world only if Germany be
destroyed. French policy may make a thousand detours on the march
towards its fixed goal, but the destruction of Germany is the end which
it always has in view as the fulfilment of the most profound yearning
and ultimate intentions of the French. Now it is a mistake to believe
that if the will on one side should remain only PASSIVE and intent on
its own self-preservation it can hold out permanently against another
will which is not less forceful but is ACTIVE. As long as the eternal
conflict between France and Germany is waged only in the form of a
German defence against the French attack, that conflict can never be
decided; and from century to century Germany will lose one position
after another. If we study the changes that have taken place, from the
twelfth century up to our day, in the frontiers within which the German
language is spoken, we can hardly hope for a successful issue to result
from the acceptance and development of a line of conduct which has
hitherto been so detrimental for us.

Only when the Germans have taken all this fully into account will they
cease from allowing the national will-to-life to wear itself out in
merely passive defence, but they will rally together for a last decisive
contest with France. And in this contest the essential objective of the
German nation will be fought for. Only then will it be possible to put
an end to the eternal Franco-German conflict which has hitherto proved
so sterile. Of course it is here presumed that Germany sees in the
suppression of France nothing more than a means which will make it
possible for our people finally to expand in another quarter. To-day
there are eighty million Germans in Europe. And our foreign policy will
be recognized as rightly conducted only when, after barely a hundred
years, there will be 250 million Germans living on this Continent, not
packed together as the coolies in the factories of another Continent but
as tillers of the soil and workers whose labour will be a mutual
assurance for their existence.

In December 1922 the situation between Germany and France assumed a
particularly threatening aspect. France had new and vast oppressive
measures in view and needed sanctions for her conduct. Political
pressure had to precede the economic plunder, and the French believed
that only by making a violent attack against the central nervous system
of German life would they be able to make our 'recalcitrant' people bow
to their galling yoke. By the occupation of the Ruhr District, it was
hoped in France that not only would the moral backbone of Germany be
broken finally but that we should be reduced to such a grave economic
condition that we should be forced, for weal or woe, to subscribe to the
heaviest possible obligations.

It was a question of bending and breaking Germany. At first Germany bent
and subsequently broke in pieces completely.

Through the occupation of the Ruhr, Fate once more reached out its hand
to the German people and bade them arise. For what at first appeared as
a heavy stroke of misfortune was found, on closer examination, to
contain extremely encouraging possibilities of bringing Germany's
sufferings to an end.

As regards foreign politics, the action of France in occupying the Ruhr
really estranged England for the first time in quite a profound way.
Indeed it estranged not merely British diplomatic circles, which had
concluded the French alliance and had upheld it from motives of calm and
objective calculation, but it also estranged large sections of the
English nation. The English business world in particular scarcely
concealed the displeasure it felt at this incredible forward step in
strengthening the power of France on the Continent. From the military
standpoint alone France now assumed a position in Europe such as Germany
herself had not held previously. Moreover, France thus obtained control
over economic resources which practically gave her a monopoly that
consolidated her political and commercial strength against all
competition. The most important iron and coal mines of Europe were now
united in the hand of one nation which, in contrast to Germany, had
hitherto defended her vital interests in an active and resolute fashion
and whose military efficiency in the Great War was still fresh in the
memories of the whole world. The French occupation of the Ruhr coal
field deprived England of all the successes she had gained in the War.
And the victors were now Marshal Foch and the France he represented, no
longer the calm and painstaking British statesmen.

In Italy also the attitude towards France, which had not been very
favourable since the end of the War, now became positively hostile. The
great historic moment had come when the Allies of yesterday might become
the enemies of to-morrow. If things happened otherwise and if the Allies
did not suddenly come into conflict with one another, as in the Second
Balkan War, that was due to the fact that Germany had no Enver Pasha but
merely a Cuno as Chancellor of the REICH.

Nevertheless, the French invasion of the Ruhr opened up great
possibilities for the future not only in Germany's foreign politics but
also in her internal politics. A considerable section of our people who,
thanks to the persistent influence of a mendacious Press, had looked
upon France as the champion of progress and liberty, were suddenly cured
of this illusion. In 1914 the dream of international solidarity suddenly
vanished from the brain of our German working class. They were brought
back into the world of everlasting struggle, where one creature feeds on
the other and where the death of the weaker implies the life of the
stronger. The same thing happened in the spring of 1923.

When the French put their threats into effect and penetrated, at first
hesitatingly and cautiously, into the coal-basin of Lower Germany the
hour of destiny had struck for Germany. It was a great and decisive
moment. If at that moment our people had changed not only their frame of
mind but also their conduct the German Ruhr District could have been
made for France what Moscow turned out to be for Napoleon. Indeed, there
were only two possibilities: either to leave this move also to take its
course and do nothing or to turn to the German people in that region of
sweltering forges and flaming furnaces. An effort might have been made
to set their wills afire with determination to put an end to this
persistent disgrace and to face a momentary terror rather than submit to
a terror that was endless.

Cuno, who was then Chancellor of the REICH, can claim the immortal merit
of having discovered a third way; and our German bourgeois political
parties merit the still more glorious honour of having admired him and
collaborated with him.
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« Reply #97 on: July 19, 2008, 01:54:37 am »

Here I shall deal with the second way as briefly as possible.

By occupying the Ruhr France committed a glaring violation of the
Versailles Treaty. Her action brought her into conflict with several of
the guarantor Powers, especially with England and Italy. She could no
longer hope that those States would back her up in her egotistic act of
brigandage. She could count only on her own forces to reap anything like
a positive result from that adventure, for such it was at the start. For
a German National Government there was only one possible way left open.
And this was the way which honour prescribed. Certainly at the beginning
we could not have opposed France with an active armed resistance. But it
should have been clearly recognized that any negotiations which did not
have the argument of force to back them up would turn out futile and
ridiculous. If it were not possible to organize an active resistance,
then it was absurd to take up the standpoint: "We shall not enter into
any negotiations." But it was still more absurd finally to enter into
negotiations without having organized the necessary force as a support.

Not that it was possible for us by military means to prevent the
occupation of the Ruhr. Only a madman could have recommended such a
decision. But under the impression produced by the action which France
had taken, and during the time that it was being carried out, measures
could have been, and should have been, undertaken without any regard to
the Versailles Treaty, which France herself had violated, to provide
those military resources which would serve as a collateral argument to
back up the negotiations later on. For it was quite clear from the
beginning that the fate of this district occupied by the French would
one day be decided at some conference table or other. But it also must
have been quite to everybody that even the best negotiators could have
little success as long as the ground on which they themselves stood and
the chair on which they sat were not under the armed protection of their
own people. A weak pigmy cannot contend against athletes, and a
negotiator without any armed defence at his back must always bow in
obeisance when a Brennus throws the sword into the scales on the enemy's
side, unless an equally strong sword can be thrown into the scales at
the other end and thus maintain the balance. It was really distressing
to have to observe the comedy of negotiations which, ever since 1918,
regularly preceded each arbitrary dictate that the enemy imposed upon
us. We offered a sorry spectacle to the eyes of the whole world when we
were invited, for the sake of derision, to attend conference tables
simply to be presented with decisions and programmes which had already
been drawn up and passed a long time before, and which we were permitted
to discuss, but from the beginning had to be considered as unalterable.
It is true that in scarcely a single instance were our negotiators men
of more than mediocre abilities. For the most part they justified only
too well the insolent observation made by Lloyd George when he
sarcastically remarked, in the presence of a former Chancellor of the
REICH, Herr Simon, that the Germans were not able to choose men of
intelligence as their leaders and representatives. But in face of the
resolute determination and the power which the enemy held in his hands,
on the one side, and the lamentable impotence of Germany on the other,
even a body of geniuses could have obtained only very little for
Germany.

In the spring of 1923, however, anyone who might have thought of seizing
the opportunity of the French invasion of the Ruhr to reconstruct the
military power of Germany would first have had to restore to the nation
its moral weapons, to reinforce its will-power, and to extirpate those
who had destroyed this most valuable element of national strength.

Just as in 1918 we had to pay with our blood for the failure to crush
the Marxist serpent underfoot once and for all in 1914 and 1915, now we
have to suffer retribution for the fact that in the spring of 1923 we
did not seize the opportunity then offered us for finally wiping out the
handiwork done by the Marxists who betrayed their country and were
responsible for the murder of our people.

Any idea of opposing French aggression with an efficacious resistance
was only pure folly as long as the fight had not been taken up against
those forces which, five years previously, had broken the German
resistance on the battlefields by the influences which they exercised at
home. Only bourgeois minds could have arrived at the incredible belief
that Marxism had probably become quite a different thing now and that
the CANAILLE of ringleaders in 1918, who callously used the bodies of
our two million dead as stepping-stones on which they climbed into the
various Government positions, would now, in the year 1923, suddenly show
themselves ready to pay their tribute to the national conscience. It was
veritably a piece of incredible folly to expect that those traitors
would suddenly appear as the champions of German freedom. They had no
intention of doing it. Just as a hyena will not leave its carrion, a
Marxist will not give up indulging in the betrayal of his country. It is
out of the question to put forward the stupid retort here, that so many
of the workers gave their blood for Germany. German workers, yes, but no
longer international Marxists. If the German working class, in 1914,
consisted of real Marxists the War would have ended within three weeks.
Germany would have collapsed before the first soldier had put a foot
beyond the frontiers. No. The fact that the German people carried on the
War proved that the Marxist folly had not yet been able to penetrate
deeply. But as the War was prolonged German soldiers and workers
gradually fell back into the hands of the Marxist leaders, and the
number of those who thus relapsed became lost to their country. At the
beginning of the War, or even during the War, if twelve or fifteen
thousand of these Jews who were corrupting the nation had been forced to
submit to poison-gas, just as hundreds of thousands of our best German
workers from every social stratum and from every trade and calling had
to face it in the field, then the millions of sacrifices made at the
front would not have been in vain. On the contrary: If twelve thousand
of these malefactors had been eliminated in proper time probably the
lives of a million decent men, who would be of value to Germany in the
future, might have been saved. But it was in accordance with bourgeois
'statesmanship' to hand over, without the twitch of an eyelid, millions
of human beings to be slaughtered on the battlefields, while they looked
upon ten or twelve thousand public traitors, profiteers, usurers and
swindlers, as the dearest and most sacred national treasure and
proclaimed their persons to be inviolable. Indeed it would be hard to
say what is the most outstanding feature of these bourgeois circles:
mental debility, moral weakness and cowardice, or a mere down-at-heel
mentality. It is a class that is certainly doomed to go under but,
unhappily, it drags down the whole nation with it into the abyss.

The situation in 1923 was quite similar to that of 1918. No matter what
form of resistance was decided upon, the first prerequisite for taking
action was the elimination of the Marxist poison from the body of the
nation. And I was convinced that the first task then of a really
National Government was to seek and find those forces that were
determined to wage a war of destruction against Marxism and to give
these forces a free hand. It was their duty not to bow down before the
fetish of 'order and tranquillity' at a moment when the enemy from
outside was dealing the Fatherland a death-blow and when high treason
was lurking behind every street corner at home. No. A really National
Government ought then to have welcomed disorder and unrest if this
turmoil would afford an opportunity of finally settling with the
Marxists, who are the mortal enemies of our people. If this precaution
were neglected, then it was sheer folly to think of resisting, no matter
what form that resistance might take.

Of course, such a settlement of accounts with the Marxists as would be
of real historical importance could not be effected along lines laid
down by some secret council or according to some plan concocted by the
shrivelled mind of some cabinet minister. It would have to be in
accordance with the eternal laws of life on this Earth which are and
will remain those of a ceaseless struggle for existence. It must always
be remembered that in many instances a hardy and healthy nation has
emerged from the ordeal of the most bloody civil wars, while from peace
conditions which had been artificially maintained there often resulted a
state of national putrescence that reeked to the skies. The fate of a
nation cannot be changed in kid gloves. And so in the year 1923 brutal
action should have been taken to stamp out the vipers that battened on
the body of the nation. If this were done, then the first prerequisite
for an active opposition would have been fulfilled.

At that time I often talked myself hoarse in trying to make it clear, at
least to the so-called national circles, what was then at stake and that
by repeating the errors committed in 1914 and the following years we
must necessarily come to the same kind of catastrophe as in 1918. I
frequently implored of them to let Fate have a free hand and to make it
possible for our Movement to settle with the Marxists. But I preached to
deaf ears. They all thought they knew better, including the Chief of the
Defence Force, until finally they found themselves forced to subscribe
to the vilest capitulation that history records.

I then became profoundly convinced that the German bourgeoisie had come
to the end of its mission and was not capable of fulfilling any further
function. And then also I recognized the fact that all the bourgeois
parties had been fighting Marxism merely from the spirit of competition
without sincerely wishing to destroy it. For a long time they had been
accustomed to assist in the destruction of their country, and their one
great care was to secure good seats at the funeral banquet. It was for
this alone that they kept on 'fighting'.

At that time--I admit it openly--I conceived a profound admiration for
the great man beyond the Alps, whose ardent love for his people inspired
him not to bargain with Italy's internal enemies but to use all possible
ways and means in an effort to wipe them out. What places Mussolini in
the ranks of the world's great men is his decision not to share Italy
with the Marxists but to redeem his country from Marxism by destroying
internationalism.

What miserable pigmies our sham statesmen in Germany appear by
comparison with him. And how nauseating it is to witness the conceit and
effrontery of these nonentities in criticizing a man who is a thousand
times greater than them. And how painful it is to think that this takes
place in a country which could point to a Bismarck as its leader as
recently as fifty years ago.

The attitude adopted by the bourgeoisie in 1923 and the way in which
they dealt kindly with Marxism decided from the outset the fate of any
attempt at active resistance in the Ruhr. With that deadly enemy in our
own ranks it was sheer folly to think of fighting France. The most that
could then be done was to stage a sham fight in order to satisfy the
German national element to some extent, to tranquillize the 'boiling
state of the public mind', or dope it, which was what was really
intended. Had they really believed in what they did, they ought to have
recognized that the strength of a nation lies, first of all, not in its
arms but in its will, and that before conquering the external enemy the
enemy at home would have to be eliminated. If not, then disaster must
result if victory be not achieved on the very first day of the fight.
The shadow of one defeat is sufficient to break up the resistance of a
nation that has not been liberated from its internal enemies, and give
the adversary a decisive victory.

In the spring of 1923 all this might have been predicted. It is useless
to ask whether it was then possible to count on a military success
against France. For if the result of the German action in regard to the
French invasion of the Ruhr had been only the destruction of Marxism at
home, success would have been on our side. Once liberated from the
deadly enemies of her present and future existence, Germany would
possess forces which no power in the world could strangle again. On the
day when Marxism is broken in Germany the chains that bind Germany will
be smashed for ever. For never in our history have we been conquered by
the strength of our outside enemies but only through our own failings
and the enemy in our own camp.

Since it was not able to decide on such heroic action at that time, the
Government could have chosen the first way: namely, to allow things to
take their course and do nothing at all.

But at that great moment Heaven made Germany a present of a great man.
This was Herr Cuno. He was neither a statesman nor a politician by
profession, still less a politician by birth. But he belonged to that
type of politician who is merely used for liGYMNASIUMating some definite
question. Apart from that, he had business experience. It was a curse
for Germany that, in the practice of politics, this business man looked
upon politics also as a business undertaking and regulated his conduct
accordingly.

"France occupies the Ruhr. What is there in the Ruhr? Coal. And so
France occupies the Ruhr for the sake of its coal?" What could come more
naturally to the mind of Herr Cuno than the idea of a strike, which
would prevent the French from obtaining any coal? And therefore, in the
opinion of Herr Cuno, one day or other they would certainly have to get
out of the Ruhr again if the occupation did not prove to be a paying
business. Such were approximately the lines along which that OUTSTANDING
NATIONAL STATESMAN reasoned. At Stuttgart and other places he spoke to
'his people' and this people became lost in admiration for him. Of
course they needed the Marxists for the strike, because the workers
would have to be the first to go on strike. Now, in the brain of a
bourgeois statesman such as Cuno, a Marxist and a worker are one and the
same thing. Therefore it was necessary to bring the worker into line
with all the other Germans in a united front. One should have seen how
the countenances of these party politicians beamed with the light of
their moth-eaten bourgeois culture when the great genius spoke the word
of revelation to them. Here was a nationalist and also a man of genius.
At last they had discovered what they had so long sought. For now the
abyss between Marxism and themselves could be bridged over. And thus it
became possible for the pseudo-nationalist to ape the German manner and
adopt nationalist phraseology in reaching out the ingenuous hand of
friendship to the internationalist traitors of their country. The
traitor readily grasped that hand, because, just as Herr Cuno had need
of the Marxist chiefs for his 'united front', the Marxist chiefs needed
Herr Cuno's money. So that both parties mutually benefited by the
transaction. Cuno obtained his united front, constituted of nationalist
charlatans and international swindlers. And now, with the help of the
money paid to them by the State, these people were able to pursue their
glorious mission, which was to destroy the national economic system. It
was an immortal thought, that of saving a nation by means of a general
strike in which the strikers were paid by the State. It was a command
that could be enthusiastically obeyed by the most indifferent of
loafers.

Everybody knows that prayers will not make a nation free. But that it is
possible to liberate a nation by giving up work has yet to be proved by
historical experience. Instead of promoting a paid general strike at
that time, and making this the basis of his 'united front', if Herr Cuno
had demanded two hours more work from every German, then the swindle of
the 'united front' would have been disposed of within three days.
Nations do not obtain their freedom by refusing to work but by making
sacrifices.

Anyhow, the so-called passive resistance could not last long. Nobody but
a man entirely ignorant of war could imagine that an army of occupation
might be frightened and driven out by such ridiculous means. And yet
this could have been the only purpose of an action for which the country
had to pay out milliards and which contributed seriously to devaluate
the national currency.

Of course the French were able to make themselves almost at home in the
Ruhr basin the moment they saw that such ridiculous measures were being
adopted against them. They had received the prescription directly from
ourselves of the best way to bring a recalcitrant civil population to a
sense of reason if its conduct implied a serious danger for the
officials which the army of occupation had placed in authority. Nine
years previously we wiped out with lightning rapidity bands of Belgian
FRANCS-TIREURS and made the civil population clearly understand the
seriousness of the situation, when the activities of these bands
threatened grave danger for the German army. In like manner if the
passive resistance of the Ruhr became really dangerous for the French,
the armies of occupation would have needed no more than eight days to
bring the whole piece of childish nonsense to a gruesome end. For we
must always go back to the original question in all this business: What
were we to do if the passive resistance came to the point where it
really got on the nerves of our opponents and they proceeded to suppress
it with force and bloodshed? Would we still continue to resist? If so,
then, for weal or woe, we would have to submit to a severe and bloody
persecution. And in that case we should be faced with the same situation
as would have faced us in the case of an active resistance. In other
words, we should have to fight. Therefore the so-called passive
resistance would be logical only if supported by the determination to
come out and wage an open fight in case of necessity or adopt a kind of
guerilla warfare. Generally speaking, one undertakes such a struggle
when there is a possibility of success. The moment a besieged fortress
is taken by assault there is no practical alternative left to the
defenders except to surrender, if instead of probable death they are
assured that their lives will be spared. Let the garrison of a citadel
which has been completely encircled by the enemy once lose all hope of
being delivered by their friends, then the strength of the defence
collapses totally.

That is why passive resistance in the Ruhr, when one considers the final
consequences which it might and must necessarily have if it were to turn
out really successful, had no practical meaning unless an active front
had been organized to support it. Then one might have demanded immense
efforts from our people. If each of these Westphalians in the Ruhr could
have been assured that the home country had mobilized an army of eighty
or a hundred divisions to support them, the French would have found
themselves treading on thorns. Surely a greater number of courageous men
could be found to sacrifice themselves for a successful enterprise than
for an enterprise that was manifestly futile.

This was the classic occasion that induced us National Socialists to
take up a resolute stand against the so-called national word of command.
And that is what we did. During those months I was attacked by people
whose patriotism was a mixture of stupidity and humbug and who took part
in the general hue and cry because of the pleasant sensation they felt
at being suddenly enabled to show themselves as nationalists, without
running any danger thereby. In my estimation, this despicable 'united
front' was one of the most ridiculous things that could be imagined. And
events proved that I was right.

As soon as the Trades Unions had nearly filled their treasuries with
Cuno's contributions, and the moment had come when it would be necessary
to transform the passive resistance from a mere inert defence into
active aggression, the Red hyenas suddenly broke out of the national
sheepfold and returned to be what they always had been. Without sounding
any drums or trumpets, Herr Cuno returned to his ships. Germany was
richer by one experience and poorer by the loss of one great hope.

Up to midsummer of that year several officers, who certainly were not
the least brave and honourable of their kind, had not really believed
that the course of things could take a turn that was so humiliating.
They had all hoped that--if not openly, then at least secretly--the
necessary measures would be taken to make this insolent French invasion
a turning-point in German history. In our ranks also there were many who
counted at least on the intervention of the REICHSWEHR. That conviction
was so ardent that it decisively influenced the conduct and especially
the training of innumerable young men.

But when the disgraceful collapse set in and the most humiliating kind
of capitulation was made, indignation against such a betrayal of our
unhappy country broke out into a blaze. Millions of German money had
been spent in vain and thousands of young Germans had been sacrificed,
who were foolish enough to trust in the promises made by the rulers of
the REICH. Millions of people now became clearly convinced that Germany
could be saved only if the whole prevailing system were destroyed root
and branch.
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« Reply #98 on: July 19, 2008, 01:54:51 am »

There never had been a more propitious moment for such a solution. On
the one side an act of high treason had been committed against the
country, openly and shamelessly. On the other side a nation found itself
delivered over to die slowly of hunger. Since the State itself had
trodden down all the precepts of faith and loyalty, made a mockery of
the rights of its citizens, rendered the sacrifices of millions of its
most loyal sons fruitless and robbed other millions of their last penny,
such a State could no longer expect anything but hatred from its
subjects. This hatred against those who had ruined the people and the
country was bound to find an outlet in one form or another. In this
connection I shall quote here the concluding sentence of a speech which
I delivered at the great court trial that took place in the spring of
1924.

"The judges of this State may tranquilly condemn us for our conduct at
that time, but History, the goddess of a higher truth and a better legal
code, will smile as she tears up this verdict and will acquit us all of
the crime for which this verdict demands punishment."

But History will then also summon before its own tribunal those who,
invested with power to-day, have trampled on law and justice, condemning
our people to misery and ruin, and who, in the hour of their country's
misfortune, took more account of their own ego than of the life of the
community.

Here I shall not relate the course of events which led to November 8th,
1923, and closed with that date. I shall not do so because I cannot see
that this would serve any beneficial purpose in the future and also
because no good could come of opening old sores that have been just only
closed. Moreover, it would be out of place to talk about the guilt of
men who perhaps in the depths of their hearts have as much love for
their people as I myself, and who merely did not follow the same road as
I took or failed to recognize it as the right one to take.

In the face of the great misfortune which has befallen our fatherland
and affects all us, I must abstain from offending and perhaps disuniting
those men who must at some future date form one great united front which
will be made up of true and loyal Germans and which will have to
withstand the common front presented by the enemy of our people. For I
know that a time will come when those who then treated us as enemies
will venerate the men who trod the bitter way of death for the sake of
their people.

I have dedicated the first volume of this book to our eighteen fallen
heroes. Here at the end of this second volume let me again bring those
men to the memory of the adherents and champions of our ideals, as
heroes who, in the full consciousness of what they were doing,
sacrificed their lives for us all. We must never fail to recall those
names in order to encourage the weak and wavering among us when duty
calls, that duty which they fulfilled with absolute faith, even to its
extreme consequences. Together with those, and as one of the best of
all, I should like to mention the name of a man who devoted his life to
reawakening his and our people, through his writing and his ideas and
finally through positive action. I mean: Dietrich Eckart.


EPILOGUE



On November 9th, 1923, four and a half years after its foundation, the
German National Socialist Labour Party was dissolved and forbidden
throughout the whole of the REICH. To-day, in November 1926, it is again
established throughout the REICH, enjoying full liberty, stronger and
internally more compact than ever before.

All persecutions of the Movement and the individuals at its head, all
the imputations and calumnies, have not been able to prevail against it.
Thanks to the justice of its ideas, the integrity of its intentions and
the spirit of self-denial that animates its members, it has overcome all
oppression and increased its strength through the ordeal. If, in our
contemporary world of parliamentary corruption, our Movement remains
always conscious of the profound nature of its struggle and feels that
it personifies the values of individual personality and race, and orders
its action accordingly--then it may count with mathematical certainty on
achieving victory some day in the future. And Germany must necessarily
win the position which belongs to it on this Earth if it is led and
organized according to these principles.

A State which, in an epoch of racial adulteration, devotes itself to the
duty of preserving the best elements of its racial stock must one day
become ruler of the Earth.

The adherents of our Movements must always remember this, whenever they
may have misgivings lest the greatness of the sacrifices demanded of
them may not be justified by the possibilities of success.



THE END


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