Message #92746

[Aryan Warrior]

But, in spite of everything, there was still a second way possible
before the War. We might have won the support of Russia and turned
against England. Circumstances are entirely different to-day. If, before
the War, throwing all sentiment to the winds, we could have marched by
the side of Russia, that is no longer possible for us to-day. Since then
the hand of the world-clock has moved forward. The hour has struck and
struck loudly, when the destiny of our people must be decided one way or
another.

The present consolidation of the great States of the world is the last
warning signal for us to look to ourselves and bring our people back
from their land of visions to the land of hard truth and point the way
into the future, on which alone the old REICH can march triumphantly
once again.

If, in view of this great and most important task placed before it, the
National Socialist Movement sets aside all illusions and takes reason as
its sole effective guide the catastrophe of 1918 may turn out to be an
infinite blessing for the future of our nation. From the lesson of that
collapse it may formulate an entirely new orientation for the conduct of
its foreign policy. Internally reinforced through its new
WELTANSCHAUUNG, the German nation may reach a final stabilization of
its policy towards the outside world. It may end by gaining what England
has, what even Russia had, and what France again and again utilized as
the ultimate grounds on which she was able to base correct decisions for
her own interests: namely, A Political Testament. Political Testament of
the German Nation ought to lay down the following rules, which will be
always valid for its conduct towards the outside world:

Never permit two Continental Powers to arise in Europe. Should any
attempt be made to organize a second military Power on the German
frontier by the creation of a State which may become a Military Power,
with the prospect of an aggression against Germany in view, such an
event confers on Germany not only the right but the duty to prevent by
every means, including military means, the creation of such a State and
to crush it if created. See to it that the strength of our nation does
not rest on colonial foundations but on those of our own native
territory in Europe. Never consider the REICH secure unless, for
centuries to come, it is in a position to give every descendant of our
race a piece of ground and soil that he can call his own. Never forget
that the most sacred of all rights in this world is man's right to the
earth which he wishes to cultivate for himself and that the holiest of
all sacrifices is that of the blood poured out for it.

I should not like to close this chapter without referring once again to
the one sole possibility of alliances that exists for us in Europe at
the present moment. In speaking of the German alliance problem in the
present chapter I mentioned England and Italy as the only countries with
which it would be worth while for us to strive to form a close alliance
and that this alliance would be advantageous. I should like here to
underline again the military importance of such an alliance.

The military consequences of forming this alliance would be the direct
opposite of the consequences of an alliance with Russia. Most important
of all is the fact that a RAPPROCHEMENT with England and Italy would in
no way involve a danger of war. The only Power that could oppose such an
arrangement would be France; and France would not be in a position to
make war. But the alliance should allow to Germany the possibility of
making those preparations in all tranquillity which, within the
framework of such a coalition, might in one way or another be requisite
in view of a regulation of accounts with France. For the full
significance of such an alliance lies in the fact that on its conclusion
Germany would no longer be subject to the threat of a sudden invasion.
The coalition against her would disappear automatically; that is to say,
the Entente which brought such disaster to us. Thus France, the mortal
enemy of our people, would be isolated. And even though at first this
success would have only a moral effect, it would be sufficient to give
Germany such liberty of action as we cannot now imagine. For the new
Anglo-German-Italian alliance would hold the political initiative and no
longer France.

A further success would be that at one stroke Germany would be delivered
from her unfavourable strategical situation. On the one side her flank
would be strongly protected; and, on the other, the assurance of being
able to import her foodstuffs and raw materials would be a beneficial
result of this new alignment of States. But almost of greater importance
would be the fact that this new League would include States that possess
technical qualities which mutually supplement each other. For the first
time Germany would have allies who would not be as vampires on her
economic body but would contribute their part to complete our technical
equipment. And we must not forget a final fact: namely, that in this
case we should not have allies resembling Turkey and Russia to-day. The
greatest World Power on this earth and a young national State would
supply far other elements for a struggle in Europe than the putrescent
carcasses of the States with which Germany was allied in the last war.

As I have already said, great difficulties would naturally be made to
hinder the conclusion of such an alliance. But was not the formation of
the Entente somewhat more difficult? Where King Edward VII succeeded
partly against interests that were of their nature opposed to his work
we must and will succeed, if the recognition of the necessity of such a
development so inspires us that we shall be able to act with skill and
conquer our own feelings in carrying the policy through. This will be
possible when, incited to action by the miseries of our situation, we
shall adopt a definite purpose and follow it out systematically instead
of the defective foreign policy of the last decades, which never had a
fixed purpose in view.

The future goal of our foreign policy ought not to involve an
orientation to the East or the West, but it ought to be an Eastern
policy which will have in view the acquisition of such territory as is
necessary for our German people. To carry out this policy we need that
force which the mortal enemy of our nation, France, now deprives us of
by holding us in her grip and pitilessly robbing us of our strength.
Therefore we must stop at no sacrifice in our effort to destroy the
French striving towards hegemony over Europe. As our natural ally to-day
we have every Power on the Continent that feels France's lust for
hegemony in Europe unbearable. No attempt to approach those Powers ought
to appear too difficult for us, and no sacrifice should be considered
too heavy, if the final outcome would be to make it possible for us to
overthrow our bitterest enemy. The minor wounds will be cured by the
beneficent influence of time, once the ground wounds have been
cauterized and closed.

Naturally the internal enemies of our people will howl with rage. But
this will not succeed in forcing us as National Socialists to cease our
preaching in favour of that which our most profound conviction tells us
to be necessary. We must oppose the current of public opinion which will
be driven mad by Jewish cunning in exploiting our German
thoughtlessness. The waves of this public opinion often rage and roar
against us; but the man who swims with the current attracts less
attention than he who buffets it. To-day we are but a rock in the river.
In a few years Fate may raise us up as a dam against which the general
current will be broken, only to flow forward in a new bed. Therefore it
is necessary that in the eyes of the rest of the world our movement
should be recognized as representing a definite and determined political
programme. We ought to bear on our visors the distinguishing sign of
that task which Heaven expects us to fulfil.

When we ourselves are fully aware of the ineluctable necessity which
determines our external policy this knowledge will fill us with the grit
which we need in order to stand up with equanimity under the bombardment
launched against us by the enemy Press and to hold firm when some
insinuating voice whispers that we ought to give ground here and there
in order not to have all against us and that we might sometimes howl
with the wolves.