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Mein Kampf (Complete Text)

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Aryan Warrior
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« Reply #75 on: July 19, 2008, 01:43:59 am »

CHAPTER X



THE MASK OF FEDERALISM


In the winter of 1919, and still more in the spring and summer of 1920,
the young Party felt bound to take up a definite stand on a question
which already had become quite serious during the War. In the first
volume of this book I have briefly recorded certain facts which I had
personally witnessed and which foreboded the break-up of Germany. In
describing these facts I made reference to the special nature of the
propaganda which was directed by the English as well as the French
towards reopening the breach that had existed between North and South in
Germany. In the spring of 1915 there appeared the first of a series of
leaflets which was systematically followed up and the aim of which was
to arouse feeling against Prussia as being solely responsible for the
war. Up to 1916 this system had been developed and perfected in a
cunning and shameless manner. Appealing to the basest of human
instincts, this propaganda endeavoured to arouse the wrath of the South
Germans against the North Germans and after a short time it bore fruit.
Persons who were then in high positions under the Government and in the
Army, especially those attached to headquarters in the Bavarian Army,
merited the just reproof of having blindly neglected their duty and
failed to take the necessary steps to counter such propaganda. But
nothing was done. On the contrary, in some quarters it did not appear to
be quite unwelcome and probably they were short-sighted enough to think
that such propaganda might help along the development of unification in
Germany but even that it might automatically bring about consolidation
of the federative forces. Scarcely ever in history was such a wicked
neglect more wickedly avenged. The weakening of Prussia, which they
believed would result from this propaganda, affected the whole of
Germany. It resulted in hastening the collapse which not only wrecked
Germany as a whole but even more particularly the federal states.

In that town where the artificially created hatred against Prussia raged
most violently the revolt against the reigning House was the beginning
of the Revolution.

It would be a mistake to think that the enemy propaganda was exclusively
responsible for creating an anti-Prussian feeling and that there were no
reasons which might excuse the people for having listened to this
propaganda. The incredible fashion in which the national economic
interests were organized during the War, the absolutely crazy system of
centralization which made the whole REICH its ward and exploited the
REICH, furnished the principal grounds for the growth of that
anti-Prussian feeling. The average citizen looked upon the companies for
the placing of war contracts, all of which had their headquarters in
Berlin, as identical with Berlin and Berlin itself as identical with
Prussia. The average citizen did not know that the organization of these
robber companies, which were called War Companies, was not in the hands
of Berlin or Prussia and not even in German hands at all. People
recognized only the gross irregularities and the continual encroachments
of that hated institution in the Metropolis of the REICH and directed
their anger towards Berlin and Prussia, all the more because in certain
quarters (the Bavarian Government) nothing was done to correct this
attitude, but it was even welcomed with silent rubbing of hands.

The Jew was far too shrewd not to understand that the infamous campaign
which he had organized, under the cloak of War Companies, for plundering
the German nation would and must eventually arouse opposition. As long
as that opposition did not spring directly at his own throat he had no
reason to be afraid. Hence he decided that the best way of forestalling
an outbreak on the part of the enraged and desperate masses would be to
inflame their wrath and at the same time give it another outlet.

Let Bavaria quarrel as much as it liked with Prussia and Prussia with
Bavaria. The more, the merrier. This bitter strife between the two
states assured peace to the Jew. Thus public attention was completely
diverted from the international maggot in the body of the nation;
indeed, he seemed to have been forgotten. Then when there came a danger
that level-headed people, of whom there are many to be found also in
Bavaria, would advise a little more reserve and a more judicious
evaluation of things, thus calming the rage against Prussia, all the Jew
had to do in Berlin was to stage a new provocation and await results.
Every time that was done all those who had profiteered out of the
conflict between North and South filled their lungs and again fanned the
flame of indignation until it became a blaze.

It was a shrewd and expert manoeuvre on the part of the Jew, to set the
different branches of the German people quarrelling with one another, so
that their attention would be turned away from himself and he could
plunder them all the more completely.

Then came the Revolution.

Until the year 1918, or rather until the November of that year, the
average German citizen, particularly the less educated lower
middle-class and the workers, did not rightly understand what was
happening and did not realize what must be the inevitable consequences,
especially for Bavaria, of this internecine strife between the branches
of the German people; but at least those sections which called
themselves 'National' ought to have clearly perceived these consequences
on the day that the Revolution broke out. For the moment the COUP D'ÉTAT
had succeeded, the leader and organizer of the Revolution in Bavaria put
himself forward as the defender of 'Bavarian' interests. The
international Jew, Kurt Eisner, began to play off Bavaria against
Prussia. This Oriental was just about the last person in the world that
could be pointed to as the logical defender of Bavarian interests. In
his trade as newspaper reporter he had wandered from place to place all
over Germany and to him it was a matter of sheer indifference whether
Bavaria or any other particular part of God's whole world continued to
exist.

In deliberately giving the revolutionary rising in Bavaria the character
of an offensive against Prussia, Kurt Eisner was not acting in the
slightest degree from the standpoint of Bavarian interests, but merely
as the commissioned representative of Jewry. He exploited existing
instincts and antipathies in Bavaria as a means which would help to make
the dismemberment of Germany all the more easy. When once dismembered,
the REICH would fall an easy prey to Bolshevism.

The tactics employed by him were continued for a time after his death.
The Marxists, who had always derided and exploited the individual German
states and their princes, now suddenly appealed, as an 'Independent
Party' to those sentiments and instincts which had their strongest roots
in the families of the reigning princes and the individual states.

The fight waged by the Bavarian Soviet Republic against the military
contingents that were sent to free Bavaria from its grasp was
represented by the Marxist propagandists as first of all the 'Struggle
of the Bavarian Worker' against 'Prussian Militarism.' This explains why
it was that the suppression of the Soviet Republic in Munich did not
have the same effect there as in the other German districts. Instead of
recalling the masses to a sense of reason, it led to increased
bitterness and anger against Prussia.

The art of the Bolshevik agitators, in representing the suppression of
the Bavarian Soviet Republic as a victory of 'Prussian Militarism' over
the 'Anti-militarists' and 'Anti-Prussian' people of Bavaria, bore rich
fruit. Whereas on the occasion of the elections to the Bavarian
Legislative Diet, Kurt Eisner did not have ten thousand followers in
Munich and the Communist party less than three thousand, after the fall
of the Bavarian Republic the votes given to the two parties together
amounted to nearly one hundred thousand.

It was then that I personally began to combat that crazy incitement of
some branches of the German people against other branches.

I believe that never in my life did I undertake a more unpopular task
than I did when I took my stand against the anti-Prussian incitement.
During the Soviet regime in Munich great public meetings were held at
which hatred against the rest of Germany, but particularly against
Prussia, was roused up to such a pitch that a North German would have
risked his life in attending one of those meetings. These meetings often
ended in wild shouts: "Away from Prussia", "Down with the Prussians",
"War against Prussia", and so on. This feeling was openly expressed in
the Reichstag by a particularly brilliant defender of Bavarian sovereign
rights when he said: "Rather die as a Bavarian than rot as a Prussian".

One should have attended some of the meetings held at that time in order
to understand what it meant for one when, for the first time and
surrounded by only a handful of friends, I raised my voice against this
folly at a meeting held in the Munich Löwenbräu Keller. Some of my War
comrades stood by me then. And it is easy to imagine how we felt when
that raging crowd, which had lost all control of its reason, roared at
us and threatened to kill us. During the time that we were fighting for
the country the same crowd were for the most part safely ensconced in
the rear positions or were peacefully circulating at home as deserters
and shirkers. It is true that that scene turned out to be of advantage
to me. My small band of comrades felt for the first time absolutely
united with me and readily swore to stick by me through life and death.

These conflicts, which were constantly repeated in 1919, seemed to
become more violent soon after the beginning of 1920. There were
meetings--I remember especially one in the Wagner Hall in the
Sonnenstrasse in Munich--during the course of which my group, now grown
much larger, had to defend themselves against assaults of the most
violent character. It happened more than once that dozens of my
followers were mishandled, thrown to the floor and stamped upon by the
attackers and were finally thrown out of the hall more dead than alive.

The struggle which I had undertaken, first by myself alone and
afterwards with the support of my war comrades, was now continued by the
young movement, I might say almost as a sacred mission.

I am proud of being able to say to-day that we--depending almost
exclusively on our followers in Bavaria--were responsible for putting an
end, slowly but surely, to the coalition of folly and treason. I say
folly and treason because, although convinced that the masses who joined
in it meant well but were stupid, I cannot attribute such simplicity as
an extenuating circumstance in the case of the organizers and their
abetters. I then looked upon them, and still look upon them to-day, as
traitors in the payment of France. In one case, that of Dorten, history
has already pronounced its judgment.

The situation became specially dangerous at that time by reason of the
fact that they were very astute in their ability to cloak their real
tendencies, by insisting primarily on their federative intentions and
claiming that those were the sole motives of the agitation. Of course it
is quite obvious that the agitation against Prussia had nothing to do
with federalism. Surely 'Federal Activities' is not the phrase with
which to describe an effort to dissolve and dismember another federal
state. For an honest federalist, for whom the formula used by Bismarck
to define his idea of the REICH is not a counterfeit phrase, could not
in the same breath express the desire to cut off portions of the
Prussian State, which was created or at least completed by Bismarck. Nor
could he publicly support such a separatist attempt.

What an outcry would be raised in Munich if some prussian conservative
party declared itself in favour of detaching Franconia from Bavaria or
took public action in demanding and promoting such a separatist policy.
Nevertheless, one can only have sympathy for all those real and honest
federalists who did not see through this infamous swindle, for they were
its principal victims. By distorting the federalist idea in such a way
its own champions prepared its grave. One cannot make propaganda for a
federalist configuration of the REICH by debasing and abusing and
besmirching the essential element of such a political structure, namely
Prussia, and thus making such a Confederation impossible, if it ever had
been possible. It is all the more incredible by reason of the fact that
the fight carried on by those so-called federalists was directed against
that section of the Prussian people which was the last that could be
looked upon as connected with the November democracy. For the abuse and
attacks of these so-called federalists were not levelled against the
fathers of the Weimar Constitution--the majority of whom were South
Germans or Jews--but against those who represented the old conservative
Prussia, which was the antipodes of the Weimar Constitution. The fact
that the directors of this campaign were careful not to touch the Jews
is not to be wondered at and perhaps gives the key to the whole riddle.

Before the Revolution the Jew was successful in distracting attention
from himself and his War Companies by inciting the masses, and
especially the Bavarians, against Prussia. Similarly he felt obliged,
after the Revolution, to find some way of camouflaging his new plunder
campaign which was nine or ten times greater. And again he succeeded, in
this case by provoking the so-called 'national' elements against one
another: the conservative Bavarians against the Prussians, who were just
as conservative. He acted again with extreme cunning, inasmuch as he who
held the reins of Prussia's destiny in his hands provoked such crude and
tactless aggressions that again and again they set the blood boiling in
those who were being continually duped. Never against the Jew, however,
but always the German against his own brother. The Bavarian did not see
the Berlin of four million industrious and efficient working people, but
only the lazy and decadent Berlin which is to be found in the worst
quarters of the West End. And his antipathy was not directed against
this West End of Berlin but against the 'Prussian' city.

In many cases it tempted one to despair.
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